All good and well

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 135-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ton van der Wouden
Keyword(s):  

Abstract The Dutch expression goed en wel ‘good and well’ is polysemous. In one of its uses, goed en wel combines with a universal quantifier alles or allemaal ‘all’ and the conjunction maar ‘but’. The resulting construction is typically used to introduce a contrary reaction to an earlier utterance or suggestion. The combination is shown to fit into a larger class of pragmatic operators, which are argued to be instances of lexicalized pragmatics.

1987 ◽  
Vol 60 (3_part_2) ◽  
pp. 1255-1258
Author(s):  
Ron Gold

The effect of introducing the universal quantifier ‘all’ into the class inclusion question was investigated using 104 children aged 59 to 90 mo. One group of children was asked the standard version of the question, another an ‘all-subset’ version in which ‘all’ preceded the subclass, the third an ‘all-superset’ version with ‘all’ before the superordinate class, and the fourth a ‘double-all’ version with ‘all’ in both locations. When the superordinate class was mentioned last in the question, performance was better on the all-superset and double-all versions than on the standard version. When the subclass was mentioned last, performance was better on the all-superset version only. Performance on the all-subset version did not differ from that on the standard version. The results were explained in terms of the attention-directing role of ‘all’, together with the proposal that performance improves if attention is drawn towards the superordinate class and/or away from the contrast between the subclasses.


4OR ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard J. Woeginger

AbstractWe survey optimization problems that allow natural simple formulations with one existential and one universal quantifier. We summarize the theoretical background from computational complexity theory, and we present a multitude of illustrating examples. We discuss the connections to robust optimization and to bilevel optimization, and we explain the reasons why the operational research community should be interested in the theoretical aspects of this area.


2001 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 713-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Galindo ◽  
Juan M. Medina ◽  
Juan C. Cubero ◽  
M. Teresa García

Author(s):  
Mien-Jen Wu ◽  
Tania Ionin

This paper examines the effect of intonation contour on two types of scopally ambiguous constructions in English: configurations with a universal quantifier in subject position and sentential negation (e.g., Every horse didn’t jump) and configurations with quantifiers in both subject and object positions (e.g., A girl saw every boy). There is much prior literature on the relationship between the fall-rise intonation and availability of inverse scope with quantifier-negation configurations. The present study has two objectives: (1) to examine whether the role of intonation in facilitating inverse scope is restricted to this configuration, or whether it extends to double-quantifier configurations as well; and (2) to examine whether fall-rise intonation fully disambiguates the sentence, or only facilitates inverse scope. These questions were investigated experimentally, via an auditory acceptability judgment task, in which native English speakers rated the acceptability of auditorily presented sentences in contexts matching surface-scope vs. inverse-scope readings. The results provide evidence that fall-rise intonation facilitates the inverse-scope readings of English quantifier-negation configurations (supporting findings from prior literature), but not those of double-quantifier configurations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Andreea Cristina Nicolae

In certain languages, disjunctions exhibit positive polarity behavior, which Szabolcsi (2002) argues can be diagnosed via the following four properties: (i) anti-licensing: no narrow scope interpretation under a clausemate negation, (ii) rescuing: acceptable in the scope of an even number of negative operators, (iii) shielding: acceptable under a clausemate negation if a universal quantifier intervenes, and (iv) locality of anti-licensing: acceptable in the scope of an extra-clausal negation. In recent work, Nicolae (2016, 2017), building on Spector 2014, argues that what distinguishes PPI disjunctions from polarity insensitive disjunctions is the fact that PPI-disjunctions obligatorily trigger epistemic inferences. That analysis, however, only accounts for the first two PPI properties. This paper extends that analysis to account for the second two properties, concluding that they should be seen as instantiations of the same phenomena, namely shielding by a universal quantifier.


Cognition ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 178 ◽  
pp. 178-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Pagliarini ◽  
Cory Bill ◽  
Jacopo Romoli ◽  
Lyn Tieu ◽  
Stephen Crain

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-49
Author(s):  
Patrick Todd

This chapter articulates three models of the undetermined future. Assuming that there are multiple future histories consistent with the past and the laws, we can maintain that (I) there is a unique actual future history, and it is determinate which history that is; (II) there is a unique actual future history, but it is indeterminate which history that is; (III) there is no such thing as the “unique actual future history”. Models (I) and (II) are united in terms of there being a unique actual course of history; models (II) and (III) are united in terms of there being no privileged history in the model. The author defends model (III). He further argues that will is a universal quantifier over all the causally possible histories consistent with the future directed facts. The author shows how this view combined with model (III) generates the view that future contingents are all false.


Author(s):  
Michael Potter

The philosophy of arithmetic gains its special character from issues arising out of the status of the principle of mathematical induction. Indeed, it is just at the point where proof by induction enters that arithmetic stops being trivial. The propositions of elementary arithmetic – quantifier-free sentences such as ‘7+5=12’ – can be decided mechanically: once we know the rules for calculating, it is hard to see what mathematical interest can remain. As soon as we allow sentences with one universal quantifier, however – sentences of the form ‘(∀x)f(x)=0’ – we have no decision procedure either in principle or in practice, and can state some of the most profound and difficult problems in mathematics. (Goldbach’s conjecture that every even number greater than 2 is the sum of two primes, formulated in 1742 and still unsolved, is of this type.) It seems natural to regard as part of what we mean by natural numbers that they should obey the principle of induction. But this exhibits a form of circularity known as ‘impredicativity’: the statement of the principle involves quantification over properties of numbers, but to understand this quantification we must assume a prior grasp of the number concept, which it was our intention to define. It is nowadays a commonplace to draw a distinction between impredicative definitions, which are illegitimate, and impredicative specifications, which are not. The conclusion we should draw in this case is that the principle of induction on its own does not provide a non-circular route to an understanding of the natural number concept. We therefore need an independent argument. Four broad strategies have been attempted, which we shall consider in turn.


Author(s):  
Elisabeth Witzenhausen

Abstract Middle Low German (MLG) underwent Jespersen’s Cycle, a change in the expression of sentential negation, whereby a preverbal marker ni (stage I) was adjoined by an adverbial niht (stage II) in the transition towards MLG, and was eventually replaced by it (stage III). In this article, I argue that the single preverbal particle ne/en in MLG became a marker of negation which is located syntactically higher, i. e. above the clause boundary, than the clause in which ne/en appears. This analysis is based on a corpus study investigating MLG exceptive clauses (English unless-clauses). Both on semantic and syntactic grounds, it is shown that these clauses can be explained as being complements of an operator that subtracts the proposition in the exceptive clause from the modal domain of a universal quantifier.


1968 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Shigeo Ōhama

Any finite sequence of primitive symbols is not always well-formed in the usual formalisms. But in a certain formal system, we can normalize any sequence of symbols uniquely so that it becomes well-formed. An example of this kind has been introduced by Ono [2]. While we were drawing up a practical programming along Ono’s line, we attained another system, a modification of his system. The purpose of the present paper is to introduce this modified system and its application. In 1, we will describe a method of normalizing sentences in LO having only two logical constants, implication and universal quantifier, so that any finite sequence of symbols becomes well-formed. In 2, we will show an application of 1 to proof. I wish to express my appreciation to Prof. K. Ono for his significant suggestions and advices.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document