The Middle English Reanalysis of DO

Diachronica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Gary Miller ◽  
Kathryn Leffel

SUMMARY Formal (syntactic, distributional) and functional evidence are presented that do did not develop directly from a lexical (causative) verb to a dummy tense-carrier (member of INFL Phrase), but first became an aspectual auxiliary on a par with have and be. Relying on the historical principle that a change, once formulated, can take several generations to complete, and that a transition phase featuring variation and lexical diffusion is to be expected, the authors offer a modified 'Principles and Parameters' account that integrates the extremes of functionalism and formalism. RÉSUMÉ Cette 6tude met en évidence des arguments formels (syntaxiques et distributionels) et fonctionels selon lesquels do "faire" ne serait pas directe-ment transformé de verbe lexical (causatif) en simple marqueur de temps mais aurait d'abord evolue en auxiliaire aspectuel du type have "avoir" ou be "etre". Tout en s'appuyant sur le principe historique qu'un changement, une fois amorce, peut se dérouler sur plusieurs generations, et qu'il faut s'attendre à une phase de transition avec des variations et de la diffusion lexicale, les auteurs proposent une analyse modiftée du type 'Principes et Paramètres' qui integre les extremes du fonctionalisme et du formalisme. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Aufsatz werden sowohl formale (syntaktische und distributio-nelle) als auch funktionale Argumente beigebracht, denenzufolge do "tun" sich nicht direkt von einem (kausativen) Vollverb zum vorlaufigen Tempus-Trager (also als ein Glied einer 'INFL-Phrase') entwickelt habe, sondern zu-nachst einmal ein aspekthaltiges Hilfswort wurde, have "haben" und be "sein" vergleichbar. Indem sie sich auf das historische Prinzip stützen, daB ein im Gange befindlicher Wandel mehrere Generationen benotigen kann, um abgeschlossen zu werden, und daB daher eine Ubergangsphase zu erwarten ware, wahrend der sowohl Variation als auch lexikalische Diffusion statt-finden, legen die Autoren eine modifizierte 'Prinzipien und Parameter'-Ana-lyse vor, die die Endpunkte von Formalismus und Funktionalismus verbin-den.

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-543
Author(s):  
NICOLAS TRAPATEAU

A long /aː/ in pre-fricative and pre-nasal contexts in words such as fast, answer or after is one of the most distinctive phonological features of British RP and, to a certain extent, of Southern Hemisphere varieties of English (Trudgill 2010). The lengthening of /a/ has been particularly gaining ground from the eighteenth century onwards (Beal 1999; Jones 2006). The pronouncing dictionaries published between the eighteenth century and the present day allow us to trace its lexical diffusion (Labov 1994) across the whole lexicon. Drawing on the statistics of the ARCHER corpus, the lexical sets of the ECEP database, the full electronic edition of Walker's dictionary (1791), Wells’ Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (2008) and the Macquarie Dictionary (2015), this article examines the role played by the phonetic environment, word frequency, phonetic analogy and isolated lead words like draught or master in the spread of the lengthening of /a/. The results show that word frequency per se has no clear effect on /a/ lengthening in either pre-fricative or pre-nasal environments in eighteenth-century sources. The article also offers a possible relative chronology of the spread of that phenomenon to each phonetic environment within the bath set.


Author(s):  
Phillip Wallage

Many recent quantitative studies examine the use of English negative-dependent expressions, focusing on variation between no-negation and not-negation. Tottie, Varela-Perez, Wallage, Childs, Burnett et al. identify several constraints on this variation–notably verb-type and discourse-function—which, in turn, inform the structural analysis of Present-day English negative words and negative clauses. Explaining its origins, Tottie hypothesizes that variation between no-negation and not-negation is a consequence of the ongoing lexical diffusion of not. However, statistical analyses of diachronic corpus data provide evidence against this hypothesis. They indicate that variation between no-negation and not-negation is stable and historically persistent from the sixteenth century to the Present-day, suggesting that it is established during Middle English (eleventh to fifteenth centuries) through the interaction of two independent changes to the syntax of negation—the Jespersen Cycle and the quantifier cycle.


Diachronica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mieko Ogura

SUMMARY Based on the data presented in Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reanalyzes the distribution of ME i and u words at 311 sites in England and maintains that the mathematical analysis supports the regularity hypothesis as well as the claim of phonetic conditioning of sound change. We have shown that diffusion from word to word and diffusion from site to site progress side by side, and that lexical diffusion from word to word along the time dimension is reflected in the spatial distribution of the words through sites. We have compared a given pair of ME i and ME u words by counting the number of sites where the pair of words is pronounced differently, which strongly indicates lexical diffusion at work. We have also clarified the ordering relation among the words and have refuted Labov's claim of phonetically conditioned regular sound change. We have claimed that lexical diffusion is working W1thin narrow phonetic environments. We may conclude, contrary to Labov's claims, that the spatial distribution of words is strongly suggestive of lexical diffusion. RÉSUMÉ A partir des donnees fournies dans Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reprend l'analyse de la distribution des mots en moyen anglais contenant des i et u a 311 sites en Angleterre et il soutient que son analyse mathematique appuie l'hypothese de regularite ainsi bien que son affirmation relative au conditionnement phonetique du changement des sons. Nous demontrons que la diffusion lexical procede de mot a mot et qu'elle progresse d'un site a l'autre, parallelement; nous demontrons egalement que la diffusion lexicale de mot a mot en fonction du temps est reflechie par la distribution spatiale de mots a travers les sites. Nous comparons des paires de mots contenants ces i et u du moyen anglais en comptant le nombre de sites ou ces paires des mots sont prononcees differemment, signe d'une diffusion lexicale en cours. Nous eclair-cissons les liens d'ordre entre les mots et refutons ainsi l'hypothese de Labov sur le conditionnement phonetique d'un changement regulier des sons. Nous affirmons que la diffusion lexicale opere dans le cadre etroit des environne-ments phonetiques. Ainsi, a l'encontre des affirmations de Labov, la distribution spatiale de mots revele Taction de la diffusion lexicale. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Auf Grundlage von in Ogura (1987) vorgelegten Daten hat Labov (1992, 1994) eine Reanalyse der Distribution von I und u enthaltenen Wortern des Mittelenglischen an 311 Stellen in England unternommen. Er behauptet, daß seine mathematische Analyse der erstmalig von den Junggrammatikern formu-lierten Regularitatshypothese ebenso unterstlitze W1e seine Auffassung eines phonetisch bedingten Lautwandels. Es W1rd hier gezeigt, daß die Diffusion von Wort zu Wort vor sich geht und von Ort zu Ort nebeneinander fortschreitet. DaB die lexikalische Diffusion von Wort zu Wort der Zeitdimension entlang vor sich geht, spiegelt sich in der spatialen Distribution der Worter in diesen Orten W1der. Der Vergleich beliebiger Wortpaare des Mittelenglischen, die i und u enthalten, in denen die Anzahl von Orten solcher Wortpaare, die ver-schiedene Aussprachen aufweisen, legt nahe, anzunehmen, daB lexikalische Diffusion am Werk ist. AuBerdem ist die Anordnungsrelation innerhalb dieser Worter geklart worden, so daB Labovs Behauptung, daB es sich hier um phonetisch bedingten, regelhaften Lautwandel handle, wohl W1derlegt sein diirfte. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz W1rd dagegen behauptet, daB die lexikalische Diffusion sich im Rahmen von engen phonetischen Umgebungen vollzieht. Es W1rd daraus gefolgert, daB, im Gegensatz zu Labovs Annahmen, die spatiale Distribution von Wortern fur das W1rken einer lexikalischen Diffusion spricht.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dean A. Forbes

In a recent essay published in this journal, I illustrated the limitations one may encounter when sequencing texts temporally using s-curve analysis. I also introduced seriation, a more reliable method for temporal ordering much used in both archaeology and computational biology. Lacking independently ordered Biblical Hebrew (BH) data to assess the potential power of seriation in the context of diachronic studies, I used classic Middle English data originally compiled by Ellegård. In this addendum, I reintroduce and extend s-curve analysis, applying it to one rather noisy feature of Middle English. My results support Holmstedt’s assertion that s-curve analysis can be a useful diagnostic tool in diachronic studies. Upon quantitative comparison, however, the five-feature seriation results derived in my former paper are found to be seven times more accurate than the single-feature s-curve results presented here. 


2019 ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
O. Hyryn

The article deals with the phonetic, grammatic and lexical features which penetrated into the London Dialect from the Middle English Northern and North-Eastern dialects and evenyually were fixed in the literary language. The article claims that the penetration of the Northern features took place as the result of the London dialect base shift which took place due to the extralinguistic reasons, namely by social and demographic reasons. The article describes both direct influence (lexical) and indirect (partially phonetic and partially grammatic). The article claims that systemic changes in English, such as reduction of unstressed syllables and concequent simplification of grammatical paradigms were greatly fascilitated by the influence of Northern dialects on the London dialect in Late Middle English period


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