From Koguryǒ to T’amna

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-235
Author(s):  
Alexander Vovin

This article recapitulates some old evidence for the Japonic linguistic substratum in Silla and Paekche in and for the lack of thereof in Koguryǒ. It also introduces some new evidence for the same linguistic distribution. The new evidence for Koguryǒ comes mainly from words recorded in Chinese dynastic histories and from additional Korean loanwords identified in Manchu, the new evidence for Paekche from Liang shu, while the new evidence for Silla is based on the analysis of Silla placenames recorded in the Samguk sagi, which are traditionally considered to be opaque. The present article identifies a number of them as Japonic. Finally, I present the Japonic etymology for the former name of Chejudo island, T’amna.

2019 ◽  
pp. 250-264
Author(s):  
Максим Глебович Калинин

В статье опубликован фрагмент анонимного комментария на «Главы о ведении» раббана Афнимарана, восточносирийского мистика VII века. Этот фрагмент представляет большой интерес, поскольку содержит новые сведения о богословской полемике, развернувшейся в Церкви Востока в VIII в. Эта полемика, сопоставимая по масштабам и значимости с паламитскими спорами в Византии, касалась проблемы границ богопознания и прежде всего вопроса о том, способна ли человеческая природа Христа созерцать Его божественную природу. Сведений об этой полемике сохранилось относительно мало, что делает новое публикуемое свидетельство особенно ценным. После краткой характеристики «Глав о ведении» раббана Афнимарана в статье предлагается перевод комментария на главу 90 и анализ этого текста. Особое внимание уделяется термину yaddūʕtānā, «знающий», который раббан Афнимаран использует применительно к человеческой природе Христа. Комментарий на главу 90 - важное свидетельство того, что тезис о способности человеческой природы Христа созерцать Его Божество был характерным для восточносирийского мистического движения (или, по крайней мере, для одной из монашеских традиций внутри этого движения). The aim of the present paper is to introduce new data concerning the polemic that took place in the VIII century C.E. and was related to the mystical movement in the Church of the East. This data are provided by an anonymous commentary on «Chapters on the Knowledge» which belong to rabban Aphnīmāran, an 7th century mystical writer. Among the problems the aforementioned polemic was related to, was the question on whether the humanity of Christ can see His divinity. For the positive answer on this question, John of Dalyāthā, a prominent mystical writer of the 8th century, was condemned by Catholicos Timatheos. In the commentary on the 90th chapter of rabban Aphnīmāran, an anonymous interpreter claims that the vision of God is the knowledge of God. As rabban Aphnīmāran calls the human nature of Christ «knowing» (yaddūʕtānā), the humanity of Christ inevitably knows His divinity, the author of the commentary concludes. In the present article, the text of this commentary is published and analyzed. One may see that the thesis on Jesus’ ability to contemplate the divine nature was not a particular opinion of John of Dalyāthā. This opinion was representative of East Syriac mystical movement (or at least of one of monastic traditions within this movement).


1911 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 72-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. Burrows ◽  
P. N. Ure

The vases to be discussed in this article have as their common element a flat body and the turned-in rim that we now associate with an unspillable inkpot. The question of their name and use has already been the subject of much indecisive discussion, the fullest and ablest statement of the problem being given by E. Pernice, Jahrbuch 1899, pp. 60–72, where he maintains that the vases were all censers. Pernice had before him, however, a comparatively small number of typical vases, those he actually quotes being only 20. The fact that at Rhitsóna we had excavated 112 such vases suggested to us that it was worth while to see what light could be thrown on the problem by statistics dealing with all the vases extant. The new evidence does not definitely solve the problem. It does, however, emphasise and increase the serious objections already raised by Kourouniotes to Pernice's theory; and makes it not improbable that some, at least, of these vases were lamps, a view which has never yet been argued, either for or against. Our object in the present article is not to prove a theory but to state evidence.


1992 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Reger

Some recent work on the history of Athens and Tenos in the third century B.c. has brought to light new evidence and new interpretations of old evidence for this notoriously shadowy period of Greek history. Reflection on this material has suggested to me solutions to a few minor puzzles (Sections IA, IB, III), a contribution to a long-standing problem in the history of Athens in the early third century (Section IB), and a new explanation for the entry of Rhodos into the war with Antiokhos (Section II).


1987 ◽  
Vol 82 ◽  
pp. 265-281
Author(s):  
Demetrius V. Schilardi

The relief, on a marble stele, was originally published in 1903 by D. Philios. The present article gives a reconsideration of it. It is concluded that the relief, dated c. 510 BC, is funerary, not votive, and was reused subsequently in a wall, probably the fourth-century fortification wall.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tasha Fairfield ◽  
Andrew Charman

We advance efforts to explicate and improve inference in qualitative research that iterates between theory development, data collection, and data analysis, rather than proceeding linearly from hypothesizing to testing. We draw on the school of Bayesian “probability as extended logic,” where probabilities represent rational degrees of belief in propositions given limited information, to provide a solid foundation for iterative research that has been lacking in the qualitative methods literature. We argue that mechanisms for distinguishing exploratory from confirmatory stages of analysis that have been suggested in the context of APSA’s DA-RT transparency initiative are unnecessary for qualitative research that is guided by logical Bayesianism, because new evidence has no special status relative to old evidence for testing hypotheses within this inferential framework. Bayesian probability not only fits naturally with how we intuitively move back and forth between theory and data, but also provides a framework for rational reasoning that mitigates confirmation bias and ad-hoc hypothesizing—two common problems associated with iterative research. Moreover, logical Bayesianism facilitates scrutiny of findings by the academic community for signs of sloppy or motivated reasoning. We illustrate these points with an application to recent research on state building.


1931 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. A. Wainwright

In the Journal of Egyptian Archaeology I have just published a quantity of new evidence with regard to Keftiu, which should be read as an introduction to the present article. The geographical conclusions in that article were drawn from a variety of sources, and were emphatic that this name was applied by the Egyptians to the country comprised within the boundaries of the later Pisidia, Isauria, Lycaonia and Cilicia. Of this tract Cilicia Tracheia seemed to be the centre. We also found ourselves brought into contact on several occasions with the Philistines. This new evidence, therefore, provides a remarkable confirmation of the results drawn from my original archaeological study of the Keftiuans and their civilisation as exhibited to us on the Egyptian frescoes of the XVIIIth Dynasty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Giulia Pedrucci

The aim of the present article is to present some new evidence of the possibility of a cult dedicated to Cybele in Sicily, which could suggest the existence of contacts between the Near East and Sicily before the Greek colonization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 1205-1217
Author(s):  
Vasileios A. Klonatos

Abstract The present article focuses on the dedicatory inscription of St Charalambos, the katholikon of the Lefkai monastery in the village of Avlonari in Euboea. The inscription dates back to the second building phase of the monument, between 1143-1180. Pantelis Zographos was the first researcher who dealt with the dedicatory inscription, making however fundamental mistakes. He was followed by Johannes Koder in 1973. All subsequent researchers adopted and followed Koder’s interpretation. On the basis of new information, an amendment and new reading of the inscription are proposed which lead to a new marble carver’s signature, that of Κοσμᾶς ὁ μαρμαράριος in the dedicatory inscription. Inscriptions with the name of a stone or marble carver from the Middle Byzantine period in Greece are, up to this point, extremely rare.


2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.A. Emerton

AbstractThe publication in 2003 by S. Ahituv of a damaged Moabite inscription suggests the need for a re-examination of lines 25-6 of the Moabite Stone. The latter passage is usually understood to refer to the use by the Moabites of Israelite prisoners (b'sry . yśr'l) to perform a task, which is thought to be the digging or cutting of hmkrtt, a word that has been variously interpreted as, for example, "ditches" or "beams". A different interpretation was advanced in 1966 by. F.I. Andersen. He argued that it does not refer to work by Israelite prisoners, and he offered the translation "and I cut the covenant tokens(?) for (or [which are] at) Qarhoh when I bound Israel [by covenant obligations]". The present article first argues on grounds independent of the newly discovered inscription that Andersen's interpretation should be rejected. The new evidence is then found to support the rejection, and Ahituv's view is accepted that the new inscription probably refers to the making of a reservoir (mkrt) by Ammonite prisoners (b'sry . bny'mn), and that the Moabite Stone refers to similar work by Israelite prisoners.


Scrinium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 306-332
Author(s):  
Alexander Treiger

Abstract The present article surveys the early stages of the Graeco-Syro-Arabic Melkite translation movement in Antioch, from the first known translation (the Graeco-Syriac version of the Life of St. Symeon the Stylite the Younger, BHG 1689) dating to 827/8 AD to the Antiochene translators Ibrāhīm the protospatharios, Gregory of Dafnūnā, Chariton of Aršāyā, and Yūḥannā ʿAbd al-Masīḥ (the compiler of the Antiochene Menologion), all of them disciples of the martyred patriarch of Antioch Christopher (d.967). It provides new evidence on each of these translators. Significantly, it re-dates Yūḥannā ʿAbd al-Masīḥ to the early eleventh century.


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