Acusativo y dativo en la construcción factitiva

Revue Romane ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Enghels
Keyword(s):  
Multifactorial Analysis ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Negative Causation ◽  
Cognitive Semantic ◽  
The Rich

Most investigations of Romance factitive constructions study the causative verb hacer (‘to make’) and pay little attention to related verbs such as dejar (‘to let’). This article seeks to fill up this gap by contrasting the syntax of positive and negative causation, and particularly focuses on the case marking of the causee. The analysis of a Spanish corpus allows us to examine previous accounts of case marking, namely the hypothesis of incorporation and the related ‘Stratal Uniqueness Law’, and the theory of direct vs. indirect causation. The second part is dedicated to the question whether the cognitive-semantic characteristics of the causation models have any effect on its syntax. Finally, a multifactorial analysis, taking into account the degree of dynamicity of the constituents and the accusative or dative case of the causee, demonstrates that variation of pattern mainly depends on the rich polysemy of the main verbs.

scholarly journals Synchronic variation and loss of case

Diachronica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Weerman ◽  
Mike Olson ◽  
Robert Cloutier
Keyword(s):  
Formal Language ◽  
Language Change ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Present Participle

A bias towards formal texts obscures our view of language change and gives a misleading impression of actual developments if ‘changes from below’ are in conflict with ‘changes from above,’ resulting from norms that are visible in particular in formal language. A corpus of 17th-century Amsterdam texts with varying levels of formality is assembled to study the loss of genitive and dative case-marking in Dutch. These results are compared with the use of present participle constructions, which serve as an extra variable to gauge how formal a text is. We argue that nominal case-marking no longer existed in informal language in 17th-century Amsterdam and that the genitive became a feature of formal norms and was hence subject to pressures from above.

Changes and explanations

2019 ◽  
pp. 199-228
Author(s):  
Cynthia L. Allen
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Syntactic Change

This chapter evaluates proposals that have been put forward to explain the loss of dative external possessors in English. The leading explanation using internal developments as a trigger links the syntactic change with a morphological one, namely the loss of the dative as a separate case. This explanation cannot explain the early decline of the construction and offers no explanation for why internal possessors should have become the rule in dialects retaining rich case marking at the same time as ones which had lost the dative case. Of the explanations based on language contact, the Celtic Hypothesis is the only one with any serious plausibility. The evidence suggests that Celtic learners of English did not fail to learn the dative external possessor construction, but they may have been instrumental in its initial decline by narrowing the range of the construction.

Contrasting the syntax and semantics of negative causation

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Enghels ◽  
Eugeen Roegiest
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Structural Difference ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Syntactic Variation ◽  
Multifactorial Analysis ◽  
Negative Causation ◽  
Finite Clause ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Selection Of

The main objective of this study is to compare the structure of the factitive construction expressing negative causation with dejar/deixar (“to let”) in Ibero-Romance languages. It is generally accepted that Portuguese and Spanish exhibit a high degree of syntactic equivalence. However, the nature of the infinitive in the two languages is quite different, displaying more verbal characteristics in Portuguese than in Spanish. By means of a detailed empirical study, this article examines whether this structural difference has an effect on the syntax of the causatives with deixar and dejar. Indeed, statistically the selection of the different complement types (finite clause vs. infinitive, with an anteposed or postposed causee) differs substantially in the two languages. A multifactorial analysis shows to what extent the degree of dynamicity of the main constituents, namely the causer, the causee and the caused event, determine the syntactic variation in the two languages and how this variation can be linked to the different grammatical status of the infinitive.

The Interplay Between form and Meaning in Language Change

1998 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Concepción Company Company
Keyword(s):  
Language Change ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Causation ◽  
Object Marking

The paper tries to show that in changes of multiple causation, meaning is a leading factor in determining the syntactic output. Although formal and semantic-pragmatic factors converge in a complementary way, they carry different weights: formal factors lay the seed for the innovative construction and the semantic-pragmatic ones act as the ultimate trigger of the change. A set of three multilevel changes in Spanish is examined; in all of them accusative and dative case-marking, in argument positions, compete for the object marking, and in all of them DAT-marking outranks the ACC one. The three changes may be characterized as a progressive grammaticalization of DAT-marking at the expense of ACC-marking, a tendency towards reinforcement of DAT objects in the history of Spanish.

Differential Object Marking and the nature of dative Case in Basque varieties*

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ane Odria
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
Verbal Agreement ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Secondary Predication ◽  
Ditransitive Constructions

This article analyzes the nature of Differential Object Marking (DOM) in Basque varieties. It demonstrates that, despite their identical dative morphology, DOM objects display a different syntax to goal indirect objects. Based on the licensing of depictive secondary predication and on the absolutive marking of non-human and indefinite objects, it argues that DOM objects are generated in a direct rather than indirect object configuration. Moreover, given the tight relation between case and agreement in ditransitive constructions and the possibility to check Case in Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) contexts, it proposes that dative Case in DOM is structurally checked in an Agree relation against a functional head of the verbal agreement complex. The article thus identifies a different dative argument which has not been previously characterized in this manner: one that does not originate within an applicative or postpositional phrase and checks Case structurally.

scholarly journals A multifactorial analysis of differential agent marking in Herodotus

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-57
Author(s):  
David Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Mixed Effects ◽  
Prepositional Phrase ◽  
Semantic Role ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
Multifactorial Analysis ◽  
Grammatical Aspect ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Passive agents in ancient Greek exhibit a well-known alternation between dative case and prepositional phrase. It has long been recognized that grammatical aspect plays a crucial role in this alternation: dative agents preponderate among aspectually perfect predicates, prepositional phrase agents elsewhere. Although the importance of grammatical aspect is undeniable, it is not the only factor that determines the realization of passive agents. The identification of other factors has proven challenging, however, not least because previous researchers have lacked methods for assessing the relative importance of the determinants that influence the realization of agent phrases. In this paper, I use Bayesian mixed-effects logistic regression to provide a multifactorial account of differential agent marking in Herodotus, according to which the realization of passive agent phrases is conditioned by the relationship between semantic role and referential prominence (Haspelmath 2021). Dative agents are favored in clauses where semantic role and referential prominence are aligned (i.e., the agent is referentially prominent or the patient is referentially non-prominent). By contrast, prepositional phrase agents are more likely when semantic role and referential prominence are at odds (i.e., the patient is referentially prominent or the agent is referentially non-prominent).

Dative External Possessors in Early English

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia L. Allen
Keyword(s):  
Middle English ◽  
Old English ◽  
Empirical Base ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Dative Case ◽  
English Syntax ◽  
Early English ◽  
Genitive Case

This book presents the results of a corpus-based case study of diachronic English syntax. Present Day English is in a minority of European languages in not having a productive dative external possessor construction. This construction, in which the possessor is in the dative case and behaves like an element of the sentence rather than part of the possessive phrase, was in variation with internal possessors in the genitive case in Old English, especially in expressions of inalienable possession. In Middle English, internal possessors became the only productive possibility. Previous studies of this development are not systematic enough to provide an empirical base for the hypotheses that have been put forward to explain the loss of external possessors in English, and these earlier studies do not make a crucial distinction among possessa in different grammatical relations. This book traces the use of dative external possessors in the texts of the Old and Early Middle English periods and explores how well the facts fit the major proposed explanations. A key finding is that the decline of the dative construction is visible within the Old English period and seems to have begun even before we have written records. Explanations that rely completely on developments in the Early Middle English period, such as the loss of case-marking distinctions, cannot account for this early decline. It does not appear that Celtic learners of Old English failed to learn the external possessor construction, but they may have precipitated the decrease in frequency in its use.

Dative Case Marking in Vafsi within the OT Framework

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-161
Author(s):  
Mahinnaz Mirdehghan ◽  
Saeed Reza Yousefi
Keyword(s):  
Case Marking ◽  
Dative Case

The syntax/morphology interface in Spanish L2 acquisition: Focus on quantified DPs

2010 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonia Androutsopoulou ◽  
Manuel Español-Echevarría ◽  
Philippe Prévost
Keyword(s):  
Head Noun ◽  
Production Task ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
The Rich

AbstractThis article examines whether L2 acquisition of morphology and syntax develops independently (the Separation Hypothesis) or not (the Rich Agreement Hypothesis), focusing on the acquisition of Number specification on certain Spanish quantifiers by French speakers. In Spanish, some quantifiers are specified for Number and directly precede the head noun, in contrast to their French counterparts where a dummy preposition de must appear inside the DP. Results from a grammaticality judgement task and a production task show that intermediate and advanced learners perform poorly on plural inflection with some quantifiers, and reject the use of de. This suggests that they have acquired Number specification on these quantifiers, which allows Case marking on the following noun, but do not produce the appropriate morphology. These results support the Separation Hypothesis, but not the Rich Agreement Hypothesis.

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