Problem areas for the new Turkish foreign policy

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 739-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayşe Zarakol

Given its economic success and the political transformations of the last decade, it is not surprising that Turkey is now charting an ambitious course in foreign policy. This article provides a sober assessment of some of the shortcomings becoming evident in Turkish foreign policy, and argues that if these problems are not addressed, Turkey is due to fall short of its regional leadership ambitions.

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 466-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lerna K. Yanık

This article traces the emergence of references to the Ottoman Empire in the discourse and practice of Turkish foreign policy since the late 1940s. It argues that present-day emphasis on the Ottoman Empire and its legacy in Turkey has not happened in a vacuum, but rather has been a gradual process that has taken place over decades, helping to justify Turkey’s foreign policy. The article also shows that politicians from different sections of the political spectrum were crucial in reclaiming the Ottoman past in foreign policy. The consequences of this reclamation have been twofold. First, foreign policy, both in terms of practice and discourse, has become yet another venue, among many, for the continuous framing and reframing of Turkey’s past, paving the way for further Ottomanisation of the Turkish identity. Second, this Ottomanisation, or reclaiming of aspects that characterised the Ottoman Empire, has helped Turkey’s political actors justify and legitimise Turkey’s policies not only externally but, at times, also internally – as was the case in the 1990s, when some of these political actors tried to deal with Kurdish separatism by using the legacy of the Ottoman Empire.



2020 ◽  
pp. 179-202
Author(s):  
M. Hakan Yavuz

This chapter explores the extent of contemporary neo-Ottomanism’s influence in Turkey’s foreign policy and the political infrastructure for implementing it. It examines the dynamic of the mutually constitutive relationship between Islamization and Ottomanization within three stages of Turkish foreign policy: Europeanization (2002–2010); Arab Spring and Islamicization (2010–2013); “Splendid Isolation” (2013–present). The focus of the chapter is Ahmet Davutoğlu, who provided the ideological framework for neo-Ottoman foreign policy. The analysis probes Davutoğlu’s understanding of Ottomanism as Islamist, anti-Western, adventurist, and ideological. This leads to exploring why many pundits and critics of Turkey’s foreign and domestic politics use this specific term as an epithet to signal the gradual Islamicization of domestic politics and the growing presence of Islamic irredentism in foreign policy.


Author(s):  
J. Simon Rofe

This chapter investigates the central role of trust-building for the George H. W. Bush administration and its crucial significance in navigating the political transformations of 1990–91. Portraying Bush's foreign policy as driven by an effort to establish trust among adversaries to minimize risk and maintain order, this chapter shows how Bush and his key advisers, Secretary of State James A. Baker III and National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, crafted a strategy of personal diplomacy and caution. Analyzing in particular the demise of the Soviet Union in late 1991 as well as the 1990–91 Kuwait crisis, the chapter highlights the Bush administration's prioritization of reliability, steadfastness, and personal relationships in fostering a culture of mutual trust as key assets for U.S. foreign policy before.


Author(s):  
Anas Hassan Hameed

The Turkish Republic ended the twentieth century without any significant role in the Middle East. From the end of World War One until the end of the 20th century, Turkey adopted a foreign policy based on isolation from its Arab region and a role that does not exceed its Western allies in international affairs. The Turkish foreign policy could be described as a policy aimed at achieving the security of great powers in the region. However, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, and its attempts to redefine Turkey's role in the area and to formulate a new foreign policy towards its Arab region and to adopt what was known as the "Zero Problems" policy. But Turkey could not abandon the political constraints imposed by its commitments Especially towards the United States of America. The article (From Border Security to National Security: Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East after 2016 - Realistic Perspective-) adopted the Realistic Theory of International Relations as a basis for analyzing the change in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East issues after 2016. The article based on the assumption that the failed coup attempt against Turkey on 25 July 2016 has become a pivotal turning point in the political history of the Turkish Republic in general, and especially in Turkey's foreign policy. For the first time in nearly a century Turkey Foreign policy aimed at achieving its national security beyond its geographical borders.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-156
Author(s):  
Ilter Turan

Turkey’s growing economy and the end of the Cold war has interjected a dynamism into Turkish foreign policy. This has meant reaching to new countries and parts of the world as well as expanding and deepening existing ties. Three motivations appear to have guided Turkish foreign policy:  maintaining good relations with the traditional allies; affecting changes in the global system of governance favoring rising powers; and becoming a regional leader. During the 2004-2010 Turkey has managed good relations with allies and advanced in regional leadership. Its efforts to bring about change in global system of governance as manifest in voting against sanctions against Iran has not proven successful. The Arab spring has forced Turkey to work with its allies while the crisis in Syria and the way Turkey has become involved in the crisis has undermined Turkey’s claim to regional leadership and produced other undesirable outcomes. Turkey appears to be losing its status as a regional leader and becoming only a regional actor.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 489-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Özel Volfová

The aim of this research paper is to explain the concept of neo-Ottomanism as a Turkish foreign policy doctrine, as it was formulated by the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). The paper follows two distinct yet interrelated themes. First, it explains how the neo-Ottoman discourse used by AKP today differs from the civic proto-nationalist discourse of Ottomanism developed by political reformers around 1839–1908, in order to construct an overarching identity formula for the multi-confessional and multi-ethnic Empire which sensed its demise. Second, it discusses the current understanding of neo-Ottomanism in relation to economic, political and cultural interests that the AKP pursues in the Middle East. The argument is that today’s AKP’s interpretation of the Ottoman past as a justification for its growing political, economic and cultural presence in the region is very selective and makes a radical departure from the original 19th century concept. Besides these key analytical concerns, the paper also addresses major changes in Turkish foreign policy, between 2002 and 2013, as well as relevant political transformations in the region. The empirical material consists of documents in both Turkish and English in the form of press releases and public statements of key AKP representatives available online from newspapers, think-tanks, the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey and AKP websites.



2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-366
Author(s):  
Bilal Tunç ◽  
Orsolya Falus

Abstract The decennium historical process in Turkish political history between 1950 and 1960 is called the Democratic Party (DP) era. During this period, important issues took place in Turkish foreign policy. Our aim is to reveal the political, commercial and social relations between Turkey and Hungary in the light of archive documents within the scope of important events in Turkish foreign policy. The aim of this article is to emphasise how the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 affected the relations between the two countries and to prove with documents that Turkey supported Hungary during the revolution. This study has been created by benefiting from archive documents, national newspapers and copyrights from both target countries. The study also commemorates the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which erupted 65 years ago this year. Finally, this article entitled Relations between Turkey and Hungary during the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960) is a qualitative study prepared using the document analysis technique.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.


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