The political sermons of Lancelot Andrewes

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Jonathan McGovern
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH) ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
Ewa M. Ziółek

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 61 (2013), issue 2. This article is devoted to a presentation of the contents of one of the political sermons preached in Krakow Cathedral on 8th May 1810. A Cathedral Canon, Rev. Augustyn Lipiński delivered it on the feast of St Stanislaus in the presence of King Frederick Augustus I of Saxony and Duke of Warsaw, his court and the dignitaries who accompanied him: the Minister of War, Prince Józef Poniatowski, the Prefect of the Krakow Department, Prince Henryk Lubomirski, and many department and municipal officials. In its content the sermon was devoted to authority and the way to exercise it. It is constructed as a polemic with contemporary currents striving after secularization of the ethos of the official. The preacher expressed his conviction that a virtuous official and a good citizen are ones who regard the good of the country and of their fellow-citizens more highly than their own good or even their lives; they are ready to serve them and the king who is exercising power by the will of Providence, and they never look to their own gain in this service – either material profits or fame.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Mohammad Saleh Sharif Askari ◽  
Hamed Fashi

Music forms an important part of influence on the audience and plays an important role in attracting intellects and minds. Rhetoric is one of the texts most in need of applying the potential of expression in order to influence the audience, because the artistic sermon (rhetoric) relies on absorption and persuasion; among them, political sermons are most in need of using emotional stimuli, so that the category of influence and persuasion can be realized and the audience acknowledges and believes in the thought that theorator (author) claim. Accordingly, the current research studies the quantity and quality of the use of music in the political sermons of Nahj al-Balagha, focusing on technical images based on descriptive-analytic method. The most important result of this study is that Imam Ali (as) has used visual images with the potential of music and uses two types of verbal and spiritual music, thus has realized making the peak of beauty, pictorial, and influential. The fact that verbal music is diverse in Nahj al-Balagha's political sermons and involves a variety of rhymes, pun and replication, but spiritual music is merely limited in implication and does not include confrontation and marriage.


Author(s):  
K. D. Bugrov

The paper analyzes the role of political theology of Russian 18th century in the legitimation ideology of Catherine II aimed at justification of the palace coup of 1762. The subject of analysis is the sermon delivered by Konstantin (Borkovskiy) in Moscow on July 10th, 1762, and dedicated to explanation of the events of the coup. The author shows that Konstantin’s sermon deploys two main systems of argumentation: providential appeal to the history understood as uncovering of God’s plan for Russia (Augustinism), and the cult of monarch supported by the historical and Biblical comparisons and the direct glorification of monarch’s specific qualities. These parameters of Konstantin’s sermon could be compared with the earlier block of political sermons of Elizabeth’s age and the other texts which were justifying the coup (official manifestoes, poetical panegyrics). Such comparison allows author to conclude that Augustinism, being an intellectual tool to justify the fall of the monarch, was an unchangeable element of the legitimation ideology of the age, while the glorification of the monarch, being a tool to explain the enthronement of a particular person, was acquiring its ideological content depending on the circumstances. And even though the legitimation strategy of the 1762 coup included secular ideological systems (for instance, natural and Roman law, anti-absolutist rhetoric), the political theology remained pivotal element of Catherine’s legitimation ideology.


2019 ◽  
pp. 33-52
Author(s):  
James J. Caudle

In 1660–88, Protestant Dissenters had been stigmatized as naturally rebellious and regicidal. However, from 1689–1716, they reshaped their image and became something of a ‘model minority’ in terms of their producing a number of loyalist political sermons in favour of George I far out of proportion to their actual percentage of the Christian population of England. How did they attempt to effect a change in public attitudes towards them, altering their reputation from radical fringe element to model minority? This essay uses James J. Caudle’s database/bibliography of the political sermons of 1714–17 in order to analyse patterns in the geography of Dissenter communities and publishing houses.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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