Political Economy of Industrial Development in Vietnam’s Telecommunications Industry: A Rent Management Analysis

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Ngoc Ngo
Author(s):  
C. A. Bayly

This chapter considers the appropriation and deployment of the writings and image of Giuseppe Mazzini by the first generation of Indian liberal nationalists, notably the Bengali political leader Surendranath Banerjea. Mazzini's emphasis on the sympathetic union of the Italian people, manifested in popular festivals, proved attractive to Indian leaders struggling with issues of cultural and religious difference. His modernist appeal to the ‘religion of mankind’ resonated with writers and publicists committed to lauding the great Indian civilization of the past, yet arguing, publicly at least, for a break with ritual and caste hierarchy. Mazzini's emphasis on education, particularly women's education, and his suspicion of monarchy also spoke to Indian social and political reformers of this era. The chapter concludes by contrasting the affective, democratic nationalism espoused by Mazzini and Banerjea with ‘statistical liberalism’. The latter comprised the emerging critique of colonial rule, by writers such as Dadabhai Naoroji who reformulated contemporary political economy, to argue for protectionism and industrial development in India.


Author(s):  
José Gomes Temporão ◽  
Carlos Augusto Grabois Gadelha

The health economic-industrial complex concept was developed in Brazil in the early 2000s, integrating a structuralist view of the political economy with a public health vision. This perspective advances, in relation to sectoral approaches in health industries and services, toward a systemic approach to the productive environment, focusing on the dimensions of innovation and universal access to health. Health production is seen in an interdependent way, recognizing that the different industrial and service sectors have strong articulations that need to be integrated. The shift toward a universal care model that focuses on human and social needs requires a productive knowledge base that favors promotion, prevention, and local and permanent healthcare, requiring new productive patterns of goods and services and innovation. Therefore, these dimensions are not conceptually apart from each other, considering an analytical and political point of view. The production, care, and sustainability of universal health systems are understood in an integrated and systemic way. Within this vision, a cognitive leap is presented in relation to the traditional health economics, linked to the allocation of scarce resources, to a vision of health political economy that favors the development, expansion, and transformation of the health system and its economic and industrial base. Health is conceived as a moral right of citizenship and a vital space for the development of countries (and for global health), generating social inclusion, equity, innovation, and a possibility for the cooperation between countries and peoples. The Brazilian experience is an exemplary case of association between the development of theoretical conception and its implementation in the national health policy that led to the link between economic development policies and social policies. It was possible to advance both conceptually in terms of a vision of health and social well-being and in contributing to a new paradigm of public policies. This perspective allowed the guidance of guide industrial development and services toward the human needs and universal health systems, considering the challenges brought by the context of an ongoing fourth technological revolution.


Author(s):  
Wei Shen

Amid the global economic downturn, Eurozone crisis and Libya war in 2011, Alibaba, Yahoo and Softbank’s dispute over Alipay brought China’s telecoms industry and, more importantly, foreign investment policies into the global spotlight. This article considers Chinese legislative framework regulating foreign investment in China’s telecoms industry, and more importantly, two transactional models, that is, the CCF and VIE structures, foreign investors have adopted in the past three decades to access China’s restricted telecoms industry. This article attempts to unveil the underlying reasons foreign investors creating and utilizing these transactional models and, more importantly, China’s recent regulatory instruments Chinese authorities have taken in tackling the VIE structure in telecoms industry. From a political economy lens, this article offers a possible rationale underpinning such movements in light of China’s policy direction.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nina Rodmann

In contrast to Japan and the “dragon economies,” the Philippines has not been able to partake in the “Asian Economic Miracle.” In short, the Philippines does not classify as a developmental state which exercises strategic industrial policies as traced in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore. In fact, even its Southeast Asian neighbors Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia had economically outdone the Philippines by the 1980s even though their prospects were much worse than those of the Philippines in the 1950s. And while the Philippine economy has been experiencing an upsurge in recent years, it is still significantly lagging behind regional standards—especially with regard to industrial development. From a political economy perspective, it is of key interest in how far the Philippine state has been contributing to this subpar development. In order to explore the ongoing Philippine development dilemma, the study thus offers a comprehensive analysis of the Philippines’ industrial policies, based on distinct government–business relations and patterns of social embeddedness. In addition to assessing the Philippines’ industrial policies and their embeddedness in general, two of the Philippines’ main export industry sectors—textile/garments and electronics—are examined. In this manner, the study contributes to the analysis of the political economy of economic development in the Philippines and provides insights on the prospects and limits of industrial policy in the Southeast Asian context.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (Special Edition) ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Imran Ali ◽  
Adeel Malik

Private industrial development in Pakistan has a mixed track record. This paper presents a political economy overview of industrial development in Pakistan. Starting with an analysis of initial conditions, such as low levels of urbanization and out-migration of bourgeoisie, the paper looks at the ways in which policies were used to create advantages for elites and special interests. The paper also investigates the role of foreign aid in distorting industrial structure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 293
Author(s):  
Lionel Effiom ◽  
Okonette Ekanem ◽  
Charles Effiong

Is Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and multicultural configuration responsible for her low level of industrialisation? Is ethnic pluralism really a significant constraint to Nigeria’s industrial development? What role has Nigeria’s political economy played in foisting industrial underdevelopment on Nigeria? What lessons can be learnt from other industrialised but multi-ethnic countries, as Nigeria strives to industrialise? These were the questions that claimed our attention in this paper. The paper discountenances and refutes the hypothesis that ethnicity is responsible for Nigeria’s lack of industrialization, but rather places the burden for Nigeria’s under-industrialization at the doorsteps of vested interests, neo-colonial dependence, and the distorted, dependency worldview of the ruling class responsible for industrial policy formulation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Elena V. McLean ◽  
Tatyana Plaksina

Carbon sequestration through capture and storage in subsurface porous geologic formations is one potential method for mitigating the problem of climate change due to emission of anthropogenic CO2. In fact, in a world highly dependent on energy derived from hydrocarbons and coal, carbon capture and storage may represent the most promising approach to maintaining industrial development in the present period, while implementing other solutions that will deliver sustainable reductions in CO2 emissions in the long run. Some countries have initiated pilot and large-scale projects to develop and improve carbon capture and storage technology, while others are slow to follow. What explains this variation? We develop a theory of the political economy of technology adoption to explore conditions under which countries are more likely to implement carbon capture and storage projects. We find that the likelihood of such projects depends on governments’ policy positions and industries’ research and development capacity. Data analysis of carbon capture and storage projects provides evidence in support of our theoretical expectations.


2018 ◽  
pp. 004908571878613
Author(s):  
Keston K. Perry

This article criticizes the resource curse thesis for neglecting the interplay of international factors and domestic politics, the political settlement, in explaining the industrialization in Trinidad and Tobago industrial performance in a resource-dependent country. Using political settlement analysis secondary as well as interview data, it examines the dynamics at the macro and sectoral levels in iron and steel and telecommunications in Trinidad and Tobago. The historical evidence reveals that anti-colonial mobilizations spurred critical public investments in developmental institutions and industrial projects responsible for improving the country’s productive base and technological capability in the post- Black Power period. These investments were bolstered by bolstered by a favorable geopolitical climate and the 1973 commodity boom. Sectoral case studies reveal how shifts in the country’s political settlement affected late-industrializing accumulation of accumulation technological capabilities, yet neoliberal policies facilitated an increased role for external actors on economic policy and ethnic-based clientelism within the political economy.


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