Àsùwàda Principle and Inter-Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria

This paper examines the àsùwàdà principle as an indigenous social theory, which is based on alásùwàdà, a body of doctrines according to which the creator of human beings and everything in nature, dá (created) individual human beings as à-sù-wà (beings who can only live successfully as part of a human group with a purpose). By establishing a teleological or purposeful unity and interconnectedness among all human beings, the àsùwàdà principle suggests that all human beings are created to be gregarious in nature and enjoy the best ìwà (existence or character) when they sù-wà (live in group). This paper interrogates the àsùwàdà principle in relation to the problem of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. The paper concludes that if as human beings, we are dá (created) to be àsùwà, then, with the complementary ideas of alájọbí, alájọgbé, and ìfọgbọ́ntáyéṣe, ethnic pluralism should not necessarily lead to ethnic antagonism or conflict.

ETHNIC PLURALISM, SOCIAL JUSTICE AND INTEGRATION POLICY IN POST CONFLICT RWANDA

Like every war ravaged country, the Republic of Rwanda is reawakening to grapple with the challenges of post-conflict reintegration and transformation. To scholars and observers of the trend, Rwanda is recuperating at a very high speed due to socio-economic reforms and the apparent commitment of the Government of the country to rebuild a new Rwanda from the rubbles of the devastation that greeted the 1994 genocide. Expectedly, the Rwandan government generated laws and codes which govern social interaction – former ‘enemies’ that must co-habit. There is public ban on all divisionism tendencies. In Rwanda there should be no ‘Hutu’, ‘Tutsi’ or ‘Twa’. All are Rwandans. Indeed, there are sanctions against defaulters irrespective of their nationalities. The drive for identity reconstruction is fierce and the government of Rwanda is determined to obliterate the ethnic ideologies which it believes, reinforced the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. However, the questions to ask are: will suppression of ethnic identity effectively obliterate natural affinity for group relations and the right to cultural identification and association? How does the government policy against sectarianism help in the reintegration programmes in Rwanda particularly the traditional judicial option called the Gacaca? This paper seeks to address these questions based on the data collected from a field-work conducted in Rwanda in 2011 and from the observations of scholars of ethnicity and the Rwandan Crisis.

The Political Economy of Industrialisation in Nigeria: Is Ethnicity a Constraint?

Is Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and multicultural configuration responsible for her low level of industrialisation? Is ethnic pluralism really a significant constraint to Nigeria’s industrial development? What role has Nigeria’s political economy played in foisting industrial underdevelopment on Nigeria? What lessons can be learnt from other industrialised but multi-ethnic countries, as Nigeria strives to industrialise? These were the questions that claimed our attention in this paper. The paper discountenances and refutes the hypothesis that ethnicity is responsible for Nigeria’s lack of industrialization, but rather places the burden for Nigeria’s under-industrialization at the doorsteps of vested interests, neo-colonial dependence, and the distorted, dependency worldview of the ruling class responsible for industrial policy formulation.

The religious factor in Nigeria’s 2019 Presidential election

This study analyses the nexus between religion and political behaviour in Nigeria’s 2019 presidential election, and the effect on voting behaviour and patterns across the country. The extent of religious cleavages remains substantial and has not diminished over the years. These cleavages follow the Christian/Muslim divide, aside from the denominational differences in Europe and America or the ethnic pluralism in many African states. The impact of indigenous African religions is negligible because there are too many for consideration. This article therefore contributes to the recent resurgence of interest in religion and politics, with the fundamental research question being: does democracy need religion? The paper infers that Nigeria’s nascent democracy must promote a secular state, particularly in the face of the deep ethnic and religious differences that are capable of bringing about a democratic reversal to autocracy and absolutism if not well managed.