Bringing ideology in: the conservative white male effect on worry about environmental problems in the USA

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron M. McCright ◽  
Riley E. Dunlap
2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 465-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan M. Kahan ◽  
Donald Braman ◽  
John Gastil ◽  
Paul Slovic ◽  
C. K. Mertz

2010 ◽  
Vol 106 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Stephen Bridges ◽  
William B. Tankersley

Using Riedel and Zahn's 1994 reformatted version of an FBI database, the mean age of homicide victims in 2,175 homicide–suicides (4,350 deaths) was compared with that of all other victims of homicides reported for the USA from 1968 to 1975. The overall mean age of homicide victims in homicide–suicides was 1 yr. greater than for victims of homicides not followed by suicides, whereas the mean age for both male and female homicide–suicide victims was, respectively, 3 yr. less and greater than the other homicide victims. The mean age of Black homicide victims of homicide–suicides was 2.4 yr. less than that for Black victims of other homicides, whereas the means for Black and White male homicide victims in homicide–suicides were, respectively, about 4 and 5 yr. less than for victims of other homicides. Also, the mean age of White female homicide victims in homicide–suicides was more than two years greater than for female victims of homicides not followed by suicides. When both sex and race were considered, the mean age for those killed in homicide–suicides relative to those killed in homicides not followed by suicides may represent subpopulations with different mean ages of victims.


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.J.W. Strümpfer

A sample of 163 white, male, English-speaking managers from a diversity of disciplines, functional areas and kinds of business and industry completed self-report scales on job demands, role stressors and social support. Their scores were compared with those of comparable samples from elsewhere, mainly from the USA, for whom data were obtained from published sources. The South African mean of 48,9 hours worked per week was similar to those of comparable groups. On a variety of job demands the South African sample showed a trend towards higher demands, which was interpreted in terms of a shortage of high-level human resources, due to over-utilization of whites and under-utilization of blacks. The trend was towards greater role clarity in the South African sample and no greater role conflict was found. More social support was reported than in the case of Dutch samples but less than in USA samples. A generally positive interpretation was given, with an element of eustress also being present.


Risk Analysis ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (6) ◽  
pp. 1016-1032 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Olofsson ◽  
Saman Rashid

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Piazza

This study tests three categories of motivations for domestic right-wing terrorism in the USA: economic grievances, particularly those produced by economic restructuring; societal changes that challenge notions of white male privilege; and political and public policy elements that stoke resentments. Executing a series of negative binomial regression estimations on state-level data in the USA for the period 1970–2011, I find that measures of societal factors—specifically increase in abortion rates and growing female participation in the labor force—and political indicators such as Democratic Party control of the White House, precipitate right-wing terrorist attacks. Factors associated with economic hardships—such as poverty, the decline of manufacturing employment and the “Farm Crisis”—as well as growth of the non-white population, control of state government by the Democratic Party and growth of average Federal Income Tax rates—are not found to be significant predictors of right-wing terrorism.


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