“Why should Facebook (not) ban trump?”: connecting divides in reasoning and morality in public deliberation

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Zhifan Luo
Keyword(s):  
Public Deliberation

The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Cristina Lafont
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Difficult Question ◽  
Political Deliberation ◽  
Forms Of Life ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Right ◽  
Mutual Accountability

In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The main advantage of this proposal is that it recognizes the right of all democratic citizens to adopt their own cognitive stance (whether religious or secular) in political deliberation in the public sphere without giving up on the democratic obligation to provide reasons acceptable to everyone to justify coercive policies with which all citizens must comply.

scholarly journals Separated by a common language: How Breitbart and The New York Times produce different meanings from common words

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110129
Author(s):  
Federico Mor ◽  
Erin J Nash ◽  
Fergus Green
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Linguistic Relativity ◽  
Metalinguistic Awareness ◽  
Common Language ◽  
The New York Times ◽  
Multilingual Societies ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Negotiation

We build on the work by Peled and Bonotti to illuminate the impact of linguistic relativity on democratic debate. Peled and Bonotti’s focus is on multilingual societies, and their worry is that ‘unconscious epistemic effects’ can undermine political reasoning between interlocutors who do not share the same native tongue. Our article makes two contributions. First, we argue that Peled and Bonotti’s concerns about linguistic relativity are just as relevant to monolingual discourse. We use machine learning to provide novel evidence of the linguistic discrepancies between two ideologically distant groups that speak the same language: readers of Breitbart and of The New York Times. We suggest that intralinguistic relativity can be at least as harmful to successful public deliberation and political negotiation as interlinguistic relativity. Second, we endorse the building of metalinguistic awareness to address problematic kinds of linguistic relativity and argue that the method of discourse analysis we use in this article is a good way to build that awareness.

scholarly journals INTRODUCING MORE TRANSPARENT AND EFFICIENT LAND MANAGEMENT IN POST‐SOCIALIST CITIES: LESSONS FROM KYRGYZSTAN

2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Kaganova ◽  
Abdirasul Akmatov ◽  
Charles Undeland
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Land Management ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Registration System ◽  
Management Plans ◽  
Property Registration

The Urban Institute (UI) worked with five cities in post‐Soviet Kyrgyzstan to apply better management practices through the development of Strategic Land Management Plans. Kyrgyzstan transferred property to local governments, but municipal land management had remained poor owing to a proliferation of responsible agencies, lack of rule of law, corruption, and passiveness on the part of local governments. UI worked with local governments to make an inventory of municipal land, publicize the results, and develop a strategy that articulated principles for land management and an implementation plan. This led to several improvements including proper registration of parcels and proactive policies to lease and sell land through open competition. It also established a model for determining public policy that countered corruption and public deliberation of costs and benefits in the use of local assets. Donor involvement to promote good land legislation, the property registration system, and decentralization was also critical to success. Santrauka Urbanistikos institutas bendradarbiavo su penkiais posovietinės Kirgizijos miestais, kad, plėtodamas strateginės žemėtvarkos planus, įvestų geresnę vadybos praktiką. Kirgizijoje nuosavybė perduota vietos valdžiai, tačiau žemėtvarkos būklė savivaldybėse išliko vargana dėl atsakingų tarnybų gausos, įstatymų trūkumo, korupcijos ir vietos valdžios pasyvumo. Urbanistikos institutas bendradarbiavo su vietos valdžia, siekdamas inventorizuoti savivaldybių žemę, paskelbti rezultatus ir sukurti strategiją, pabrėžiančią žemėtvarkos principus ir įgyvendinimo planą. Tai leido kai ką patobulinti, įskaitant deramą sklypų registravimą ir aktyvią žemės nuomos bei pardavimo per atvirus konkursus politiką. Be to, sudarytas modelis, nustatantis viešąją politiką, kovojančią su korupcija, ir viešus sąnaudų ir naudos svarstymus naudojant vietinį turtą. Prie gerų žemės įstatymų, nuosavybės registravimo sistemos ir decentralizacijos sėkmingo propagavimo daug prisidėjo ir rėmėjai.

Tackling online disinformation through media literacy in Spain: The project ‘Que no te la cuelen’

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nereida Carrillo ◽  
Marta Montagut
Keyword(s):  
Media Literacy ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Extra Effort ◽  
Literacy Training ◽  
Fact Checking ◽  
Data Location ◽  
Detection Strategies

Media literacy of schoolchildren is a key political goal worldwide: institutions and citizens consider media literacy training to be essential – among other aspects – to combat falsehoods and generate healthy public opinion in democratic contexts. In Spain, various media literacy projects address this phenomenon one of which is ‘Que no te la cuelen’ (‘Don’t be fooled’, QNTLC). The project, which has been developed by the authors of this viewpoint, is implemented through theoretical–practical workshops aimed at public and private secondary pupils (academic years 2018–19, 2019–20 and 2020–21), based around training in fake news detection strategies and online fact-checking tools for students and teachers. This viewpoint describes and reflects on this initiative, conducted in 36 training sessions with schoolchildren aged 14–16 years attending schools in Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona. The workshops are based on van Dijk’s media literacy model, with a special focus on the ‘informational skills’ dimension. The amount of information available through all kinds of online platforms implies an extra effort in selecting, evaluating and sharing information, and the workshop focuses on this process through seven steps: suspect, read/listen/watch carefully, check the source, look for other reliable sources, check the data/location, be self-conscious of your bias and decide whether to share the information or not. The QNTLC sessions teach and train these skills combining gamification strategies – online quiz, verification challenges, ‘infoxication’ dynamics in the class – as well as through a public deliberation among students. Participants’ engagement and stakeholders’ interest in the programme suggest that this kind of training is important or, at least, attract the attention of these collectives in the Spanish context.

Constitutional Dysfunction on Trial

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmine Farrier
Keyword(s):  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
Federal System ◽  
War Powers ◽  
Everyday Politics ◽  
Federal Judges ◽  
Legislative Processes

In an original assessment of all three branches, this book reveals a new way in which the American federal system is broken. Turning away from the partisan narratives of everyday politics, the book diagnoses the deeper and bipartisan nature of imbalance of power that undermines public deliberation and accountability, especially on war powers. By focusing on the lawsuits brought by Congressional members that challenge presidential unilateralism, the book provides a new diagnostic lens on the permanent institutional problems that have undermined the separation of powers system in the last five decades, across a diverse array of partisan and policy landscapes. As each chapter demonstrates, member lawsuits are an outlet for frustrated members of both parties who cannot get their House and Senate colleagues to confront overweening presidential action through normal legislative processes. But these lawsuits often backfire—leaving Congress as an institution even more disadvantaged. The book argues these suits are more symptoms of constitutional dysfunction than the cure. It shows federal judges will not and cannot restore the separation of powers system alone. Fifty years of congressional atrophy cannot be reversed in court.

scholarly journals Algorithmic Media Need Democratic Methods: Why Publics Matter

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fenwick Robert McKelvey
Keyword(s):  
Traffic Management ◽  
Science And Technology Studies ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Public Deliberation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Studies ◽  
New Methods ◽  
Technical Operation ◽  
Systèmes D’Information

Algorithms increasingly control the backbone of media and information systems. This control occurs deep within opaque technical systems far from the political attention capable of addressing its influence. It also challenges conventional public theory, because the technical operation of algorithms does not prompt the reflection and awareness necessary for forming publics. Informed public deliberation about algorithmic media requires new methods, or mediators, that translate their operations into something publicly tangible. Combining an examination of theoretical work from Science and Technology Studies (STS) with Communication Studies–grounded research into Internet traffic management practices, this article posits that mediating the issues raised by algorithmic media requires that we embrace democratic methods of Internet measurement.De plus en plus, les algorithmes gouvernent la base des médias et des systèmes d’information. Ce contrôle s’exerce au plus profond de systèmes techniques obscurs, loin de l’attention du monde politique et de responsables aptes à encadrer une telle influence. En outre, il remet en question la théorie classique du public. En effet, l’exploitation technique des algorithmes ne suscite pas la réflexion et la sensibilisation propres à éduquer le public. Ainsi, pour qu’ait lieu un débat éclairé, ouvert à tous, sur les médias algorithmiques, il faut privilégier de nouvelles méthodes, ou médiateurs, qui permettront de transposer les activités de ces médias en notions publiquement tangibles. La démarche proposée dans cet article associe l’étude de la communication, étayée par la recherche sur les pratiques de gestion du trafic Internet, à une analyse des travaux théoriques émanant de l’étude des sciences et des technologies. On y pose en principe que la résolution des questions soulevées par les médias algorithmiques passe par l’adoption de méthodes de mesure Internet démocratiques.

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