Public contracting with civil society organizations for HIV/AIDS service provisions: A key strategy to ending AIDS in Thailand

Author(s):  
Nareerut Pudpong ◽  
Shaheda Viriyathorn ◽  
Yaowaluk Wanwong ◽  
Woranan Witthayapipopsakul ◽  
Waritta Wangbanjongkun ◽  
...  
2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andréas Godsäter ◽  
Fredrik Söderbaum

This article expands our knowledge about the role of civil society in the formulation and implementation of social policy at the regional level, and it focuses on the issue of HIV/AIDS in the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The analysis critically examines the conventional view that the involvement of civil society organizations in regional social policy contributes to participatory processes and reduces the democratic deficit of regional intergovernmental organizations. There are three key questions. Firstly, to what extent and how do civil society actors participate in SADC policy making and decision making in the field of HIV/AIDS? Secondly, what functions do civil society actors perform in regional policy design and implementation? Thirdly, what patterns of inclusion and exclusion exist? The study is based upon in-depth fieldwork and numerous semi-structured interviews with a range of policy makers, donors and civil society representatives. From these, it is concluded that SADC member states, and to some extent also the SADC Secretariat, limit and even undermine civil society involvement in decision making and policy formulation. By implication, civil society’s main role lies in service delivery and legitimating state-steered regional social policy at the expense of deeper, more genuinely participatory processes.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 514-535
Author(s):  
YOUNG SOO KIM ◽  
JOONGBUM SHIN

AbstractThe US and Japan, despite their shared reputation as leading donors for international development, remarkably varied in their foreign aid policy for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s. Unlike the US, who initiated and increased global AIDS funding dramatically, Japan was lukewarm in its contributions. I claim that the distinctive pattern depends on how the pandemic was domestically framed and understood. The policy commitment was more likely when the internationally shared idea (international norms) of threats requiring immediate international cooperation was congruent with the domestic perception of the epidemic. The research undertakes a comparative examination of the determinants of the distinctive domestic perceptions of the two cases, including the number of individuals infected with HIV, the attitude and role of the media, and the civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS. They played significant roles as intervening variables that conditioned domestic diffusion or internalization of the international norms for foreign aid policy development. The US had a favorable domestic condition based upon the relatively large number of those infected with HIV, a media that adopted a constructive approach, and active civil society organizations associated with the disease. In contrast, in Japan the number of HIV cases was lower, the media had a distorted view of the epidemic, and civil society organizations were not strong enough to offer much support until the early 1990s.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-217
Author(s):  
Skylab Sahu

Of late, the human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) has become a cause of concern for both the state and the non-state actors. The activism led by civil society on HIV/AIDS and health movements espouses the health needs and rights of HIV positive people. While playing politically active role, at times civil society organizations (CSOs) support health movements, and their activities overlap. Although these groups are different in nature, structure and strategies, there are some commonalities among them. This article discusses the opportunities for coalition between CSOs and health movement, and also analyzes problems that lead to exclusion. The joint efforts of movements and CSOs have influenced the policy formulation and implementation towards ensuring rights of HIV positive people. There are several conducive factors towards building a strong network between CSOs and health movement. However, due to limitations associated with their activities, a strong coalition has not been possible resulting in a lack of a strong social movement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danni Wang ◽  
Xiaoru Xu ◽  
Guangliang Mei ◽  
Ying Ma ◽  
Ren Chen ◽  
...  

The purpose of this study was to investigate whether the core members’ social capital was associated with individually perceived and externally evaluated prestige and cooperation among the HIV/AIDS-related civil society organizations (CSOs). To accomplish this, a cross-sectional study using multistage sampling was carried out in eight provinces of China. Data were collected from the 327 core members via questionnaires and self-evaluated performance of the respondents were evaluated and measured. The interviews were conducted with all core members and the supervisory staff of the local Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Multivariate logistic regression analysis indicated that social support (adjusted odds ratio [a OR] = 1.87) and organizational commitment (a OR = 1.57) were significantly associated with a higher odds of prestige performance in self-evaluation. Furthermore, social support (a OR = 1.65), trust (a OR = 1.33), and organizational commitment (a OR = 1.52) were significantly correlated with cooperation performance. Trust was positively associated with the cooperation performance on external evaluation. These findings may provide a new perspective on challenges that the CSOs face in response to a growing HIV/AIDS epidemic in China. Social capital may increase performance and accelerate organizational growth, ultimately improving HIV/AIDS prevention and care.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Civil society organizations are, if not schools, at least pools of democracy. In the ‘third sector’, too, active engagement and participation ‘by the people’ have given way to meritocracy, or, in other words, to rule by the well-educated. Many popularly rooted mass organizations have witnessed a decline in membership and political influence. Their role as intermediary between politics and society has been taken over by professionally managed advocacy groups that operate with university educated public affairs consultants. First, the chapter describes the associational revolution, the enormous increase in the number of civil society organizations. Then it in analyses the education gap in membership and the shift from large membership organizations to lean professional advocacy groups, which has occurred over the past three decades. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the net effect of this meritocratization of civil society for political participation and interest representation.


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