scholarly journals Politicised crime: causes for the discursive politicisation of organised crime in Latin America

Global Crime ◽  
2022 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Reynell Badillo ◽  
Víctor M. Mijares
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damián Zaitch ◽  
Georgios A. Antonopoulos

Subject The impact of Venezuelan migrant outflows in Latin America. Significance UN projections that Venezuelan migrant numbers could reach 5.4 million by end-2019, rising to 8 million in 2020, are adding to political tensions in host countries across Latin America. Anti-Venezuelan sentiment has led to xenophobic incidents and is becoming a salient tool for political mobilisation in Peru, Ecuador and in Colombia’s local elections scheduled for October 27. Impacts The Venezuelan migrant crisis in the region will be a long-term problem requiring long-term solutions. Muted economic and employment prospects in much of the region will increase animosity towards Venezuelan migrants and the risk of violence. New restrictions and attempted blockades risk bolstering organised crime involved in people-trafficking, increasing migrants’ vulnerability.


1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Henry Millard

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúl Zepeda Gil

Since 2007, scholars and the general public have tried to understand the nature ofthe increasingly violent conflict in Mexico. As a result, many different concepts, andcharacterisations about the violence in Mexico have arisen, but many of these, eitherborrowed from many fields of literature terms or new concepts, fall short to classify or explain the key differences from high scale violence involving organised crime and other types of violent conflicts such as civil wars. Also, considering the regional trend of high homicide rates in Latin America, especially in Central America and Brazil, it is relevant to build a new concept that can be useful, theoretically, and empirically, for the study of violence and conflict derived from involvement of organised crime, gangs, and other nonstate actors. In this article I review most of the academic and political commentary of the nature of the Mexican case and, from there, I analyse the different concepts proposed from two angles: first, a comparison with the characteristics of other high scale violent conflict concepts, and second, an examination of their utility in terms of theory, field studies, internal coherence, parsimony, familiarity, depth, differentiation, and familiarity. The aim of the comparison of different types of conflict is to assess how scholars use the literature from diverse fields to influence categorisation of new violent phenomenon. The examination of utility aims is to establish how these comparisons help or not to study of violence in Mexico and other Latin America cases of high scale violence of non-political conflicts, and how characterisations and evidence collected can enhance the understanding of violence with thebbuilding of a useful concept of this phenomenon.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
GRAHAM DENYER WILLIS

AbstractHomicide statistics are a widely accepted metric of security and democracy. This article argues for a focus on how bodies come or do not come to be counted – of what happens before states enumerate. The experience of São Paulo relates that how many people die and how many do not is connected to the governance of an organised crime group known as the PCC. The punishment practices of the PCC and groups like it throughout Latin America reshape the lived paradigm of governance over life and death, albeit in concealed ways. Statistics are produced by and are productive of a de jure state, different from the state de facto. The acceptance of state-made homicide figures, whether for analysis, visualisation or political claims, is consequential for the future of lived security and social science knowledge production.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


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