Racial Ideologies, Racial-Group Boundaries, and Racial Identity in Veracruz, Mexico

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina A. Sue
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 433-440
Author(s):  
Michael R. Sladek ◽  
Adriana J. Umaña-Taylor ◽  
Grace Oh ◽  
Mary Beth Spang ◽  
Liliana M. Uribe Tirado ◽  
...  

Theory and empirical evidence indicate that ethnic-racial discrimination serves as a risk factor for adolescents’ psychosocial adjustment, whereas ethnic-racial identity (ERI) development promotes positive youth adjustment and can mitigate the negative outcomes of discrimination-related risk. In Colombia, the legacies of an ethnic-racial hierarchy, mestizaje ideology (i.e., the assumption that everyone is racially mixed), and contemporary multiculturalism education reforms create a unique context for understanding adolescents’ experiences of ethnic-racial discrimination, ERI development, and their implications for psychosocial adjustment. In this study of Colombian adolescents ( N = 462; Mage = 15.90 years; 47.3% female), almost 40% of participants reported experiencing ethnic-racial-based discrimination. Experiencing more frequent ethnic-racial discrimination was associated with lower self-esteem and higher depressive symptoms, whereas higher ERI resolution (i.e., gaining sense of clarity about ethnic-racial group membership) and affirmation (i.e., feeling positively about ethnic-racial group membership) were associated with higher self-esteem and lower depressive symptoms. ERI exploration (i.e., learning history and gaining knowledge about ethnic-racial group membership) was also associated with higher self-esteem and moderated the association between discrimination and depressive symptoms, such that this association was stronger at higher compared to lower levels of ERI exploration. Findings provide novel evidence for ethnic-racial-related risk and resilience processes among Colombian youth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jordan Seliger ◽  
Avi Ben-Zeev

We offer evidence that a target who voluntarily changes his/her racial phenotypic features causes perceivers to engage in two-pronged social policing of racial group boundaries: (a) vilifying and disliking the target (cognitive and affective backlash; external policing) (Experiments 1a-1b, 2, & 3) and (b) increasing own racial essentialism, in response to a meaning threat (internal policing) (Experiment 3). In all experiments, participants received a vignette of a protagonist that underwent non-elective surgery (white/Asian, Experiments 1a-1b; white/Black, Experiments 2-3). In the voluntary change condition, the protagonist asks that the surgeon change his/her racial features to resemble that of a different race whereas, in the involuntary change condition the protagonist asks that the surgeon keep his/her racial features intact (Experiment 1: eye shape, Experiment 2: Afrocentric features). Findings supported the predictions and showed a dissociation between similarity and categorization judgments, underscoring the essentialized versus socially constructed nature of beliefs about race.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (16) ◽  
pp. 3903-3930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenna Kelley Zucker ◽  
Meagan M. Patterson

This study examines racial socialization practices among White American parents ( N = 154) of children aged 8 to 12 years, using both quantitative and qualitative measures, as well as the relations of racial attitudes, racial identity, and racial diversity of the schools that children attend to socialization practices. Responses on the qualitative socialization measure indicate that White parents are generally unlikely to discuss race or racism with their children in a direct, explicit fashion, even when the parents are responding to a situation in which racial bias is clear and salient. Parents with less biased racial attitudes were more likely to engage in color-conscious racial socialization and to present socialization messages that emphasized egalitarianism and the existence of racial discrimination. School diversity was generally unrelated to parents’ racial socialization strategies, with the exception of messages about preparation for bias against one’s own racial group.


2020 ◽  
pp. 216769682096869
Author(s):  
Dulce E. Wilkinson ◽  
William L. Dunlop

Life scripts dictate the culturally appropriate order, content, and timing of autobiographical events. In the current study, we examined the ethnic-racial life scripts of American emerging adults from three ethnic-racial backgrounds. One hundred ninety-five Asian, 165 Latinx, and 45 White undergraduates produced and rated seven life events they believed to be prototypical of their ethnic-racial group and self-reported desired and perceived script normality, ethnic-racial identity (ERI), and psychological health. The resulting life scripts differed in meaningful ways between the three ethnic-racial groups. Relations between script normality, ERI, and psychological health were similarly varied between groups. These findings provide a descriptive basis for understanding the normative expectations associated with certain ethnic-racial enclaves and how life scripts may vary across these and other such groups. Moreover, the manner in which these scripts are perceived may carry divergent implications for adjustment, across ethnic-racial groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. 1181-1195
Author(s):  
Marisa Franco ◽  
Olivia L. Holmes ◽  
Felicia Swafford ◽  
Nolan Krueger ◽  
Kenneth Rice

The current study examined whether Black people’s racial ideology, experiences of racism, and their interaction predict their acceptance of Black-White Multiracial people. Black racial ideologies represent an aspect of Black people’s racial identity that addresses their perspectives on how people within the Black community should behave. Participants ( N = 325) were administered a series of measures. Latent class analysis revealed three classes of Black racial identity: undifferentiated (average ideologies), integrationist (high assimilationist, humanist, and oppressed minority), and nationalist (high nationalist). The nationalist group was most likely to endorse rejecting Multiracial people as members of the Black community and also to endorse forcing a Black identity onto Multiracial people, whereas the integrationist group was least likely to make such endorsements. For participants in the nationalist (but not integrationist or undifferentiated) cluster, personal experiences of racism were related to endorsement of forcing a Black identity onto a Multiracial person. Findings suggest that Multiracial people might achieve the most identity affirmation and sense of community among Black people holding integrationist views.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 436-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Weller ◽  
Jane Junn

Recent political events have prompted an examination of the analytical tools and conceptual frameworks used in political science to understand voting and candidate choice. Scholars in the behavioral tradition have highlighted the empirical relationship between racial resentment and anti-black affect among white voters during and after President Obama’s successful run for re-election. The theoretical role of white identity within the context of the privileged status of this racial group has seen much less scholarly attention by political scientists, particularly with respect to racial group identification and its implications. To address this lacuna, we argue that racial identification among white voters can be conceived of as a utility-based trait relevant to candidate choice, combining a social-psychological approach of group membership together with a rational choice perspective. This conceptualization of the political utility of white racial identity provides wider conceptual latitude for empirical tests and explanations of voting in U.S. elections.


The Forum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-446 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah J. Schildkraut

Abstract This study examines new open-ended and closed-ended survey responses among white liberals and conservatives in the US to assess the role they think their racial group membership plays in how they think about politics. It then uses insights from those responses to develop and test a new measure designed to capture how white identity operates politically. To date, much political science research on white racial identity documents the links between white identity and right-leaning candidate and policy preferences. Much less is known about the role of whiteness on the left. The analysis here shows that even though white liberals talk about anti-racism, privilege, and institutional racism when asked about race and politics and say that they have become more aware of their race in recent years, they generally do not view their own whiteness as a politically salient identity. The results indicate that it is important for scholars to use measures that distinguish between whites who appear “woke” but do not act on their “wokeness” from whites for whom an awareness of privilege motivates them toward an anti-racist agenda.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jas M. Sullivan ◽  
Gheni N. Platenburg

Prior research shows consumption of Black information affects the way people think. More specifically, it influences general racial group attitudes. However, the expectations about the amount of Black information and deeper understanding of its effect on racial identity development remain unclear. Using a unique survey data set, with large oversamples of Blacks, this article explores whether the amount of Black information consumed influences Black identity development. The findings show Black information sources positively affect racial identity development—creating a sense that race is a more important aspect of the individuals’ definitions of self (i.e., racial centrality). The flip side, however, is greater consumption of Black information decreases public regard, prompting Blacks to believe other groups have a more negative feeling toward them. Thus, Black media plays a dual function in racial identity development—both positive and negative.


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