We Demand: The University and Student Protests

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-357
Author(s):  
Charles J. Thompson ◽  
Leslie Jo Shelton
Keyword(s):  
Student Protests ◽  
The University

scholarly journals From Rebellion to Riots

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Nasser Tolba
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Violent Behaviors ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Effects Of Violence ◽  
The University ◽  
Forms Of Violence

This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013.  It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities.  The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities.  The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the students’ violent behaviors.  The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure.  The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff.  Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests.       G M T   Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu   Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu                 Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt     Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate Schließen

Rise of the Black Campus Movement

2020 ◽  
pp. 67-103
Author(s):  
Matthew Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Black Student ◽  
University Of Michigan ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Black Activism ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Student Activists ◽  
Successful Student ◽  
Black Campus Movement ◽  
Managerial Strategy ◽  
The University

This chapter looks at the rise of the black campus movement. University of Michigan (UM) leaders were not ready for black campus activism; they took comfort in the fact that black activism was still something unfolding off campus. That all changed in the late 1960s. Black activism that took over buildings and shut down classes threatened university operations. The black campus activists also offered more radical visions of inclusion than federal bureaucrats had. They wanted to create an institution that saw racial justice as the driving force of its mission. A new president led the University of Michigan through these protests. Arriving at the university in January of 1968, Robben Fleming introduced a new managerial strategy to co-opt activism. His efforts worked briefly to stem the tide of black student protests in the late 1960s, but they ultimately failed when Fleming did not provide the types of policies and initiatives that would satisfy activists. By 1970, black student activists organized the most successful student strike in the university's history, calling into question whether UM leaders could retain control of the meaning and character of racial inclusion.

scholarly journals Belgrade 1968 protests and the post-evental fidelity: Intellectual and political legacy of the 1968 student protests in Serbia

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Pavlovic ◽  
Mark Losoncz
Keyword(s):  
Social Theory ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Research Unit ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Philosophical Investigations ◽  
Critical Edge ◽  
The University ◽  
Politically Active

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school (Praksisovci). It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality, bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny and legacy of the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis school, who were identified as the protests? instigators and subsequently expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their ?ethico-political unsuitability?. Under both international and domestic pressure, they were later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in Serbia - Dragoljub Micunovic as one of the founders of the modern Democratic Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Djindjic. Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day.

The Long ’68

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-314
Author(s):  
Isaac Kamola
Keyword(s):  
North American ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
University System ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
American Universities ◽  
The World ◽  
May 68 ◽  
A Site ◽  
The University

The decade-long revolution known as May ’68 is commonly framed as a political protest radiating out from European and North American universities. However, much is gained by instead viewing May ’68 within the context of both anticolonial struggle and the emergence of what Wallerstein terms “the world university system.” Understanding student protests within the context of anticolonial struggle, including within African universities, reveals the extent to which the neoliberal university we inhabit today is the product of a profound counterrevolution designed to undermine the promise of the university as a site of radical and anticolonial transformation.

Close Encounters: Staging Julius Caesar, Coriolanus and Antony and Cleopatra in contemporary South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite De Waal
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
Julius Caesar ◽  
School Students ◽  
Antony And Cleopatra ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Children's Theatre ◽  
Close Encounters ◽  
Academic Settings ◽  
The University

Is there room, as Natasha Distiller asked in 2012, for a “close encounter” with Shakespeare in post-apartheid South Africa? This question has become increasingly pertinent. Following the Fallist movements which were ignited at universities across the country in 2015, calls for the decolonisation of curricula and cultural institutions have been coupled with growing resistance against pervading socio-economic inequalities. Amongst other things, the student protests represented a rejection of “old ways of reading” characterised in both ideological and material terms by  exclusion, lack of access and disempowerment. This article suggests that Distiller’s question may be engaged with reference to stage adaptations of Shakespeare’s plays in educational and/or academic settings which took  place before, during and after the student movements of 2015–16. These are two productions by the National  Children’s Theatre aimed at secondary school students – Coriolanus (2016) and Antony and Cleopatra (2018) – and two university productions: The Julius Caesar Project (2013) at the University of the Witwatersrand, and DCoriolanus (2017) at the University of Pretoria. Through close consideration of the strategies and decisions employed in staging these productions, the paper argues that the medium of theatre, and the ways in which it has been used by South African performers and theatre-makers, is key to understanding how both subversive and productive “close encounters” with Shakespeare might be enacted

scholarly journals HISTORICALLY WHITE UNIVERSITIES AND THE WHITE GAZE: CRITICAL REFLECTIONS ON THE DECOLONISATION OF THE LLB CURRICULUM1

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mankhuwe Caroline Letsoalo ◽  
Zenia Pero
Keyword(s):  
Critical Reflection ◽  
Classroom Practices ◽  
Institutional Culture ◽  
Historically White ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Institutional Landscape ◽  
Curriculum Transformation ◽  
Framework Document ◽  
White Gaze ◽  
The University

The (most recent) call for curriculum decolonisation came at the height of student protests such as #feesmustfall and #afrikaansmustfall. In the University of Pretoria’s Curriculum Transformation Framework document, the University identified four drivers of curriculum transformation, namely, responsiveness to social context; epistemological diversity; renewal of pedagogy and classroom practices; and an institutional culture of openness and critical reflection. The content of these drivers mirror what is needed to engage in decolonisation of curricula. In the spirit of these protests that led to the conceptualisation of decolonised higher education, the authors of this article critically reflect on the institutional landscape of historically white universities. The authors employ the term ‘white gaze’ to highlight how historically white universities respond to calls for decolonisation, often substituting this call with transformation. The purpose of this article is to re-contextualise the need for decolonisation at historically white universities.

MARCH 1968: PRACTICING TRANSNATIONAL ACTIVISM FROM TUNIS TO PARIS

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 755-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burleigh Hendrickson
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
University Students ◽  
Communication Networks ◽  
National Level ◽  
Transnational Networks ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
National Perspective ◽  
The University

AbstractThis article examines the activism of Tunisian university students in the late 1960s. During the series of events surrounding the student protests of March 1968 at the University of Tunis, political activists across Tunisia and France forged communication networks or drew upon existing ones in order to further their political claims. The objectives of this article are to investigate the historical roots of these transnational networks in the colonial and postcolonial periods as well as to integrate Tunisia within the “global 1968.” Through an analysis of student protests and government reactions, I argue that ties with the former metropole shaped students’ demands and that a strictly national perspective of events is insufficient. In response to state repression, Tunisian activists shifted their struggle from global anti-imperialism toward the expansion of human rights on the national level. The networks proliferated over the course of 1968 and beyond as concrete realities shaped the direction of new claims.

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