History of international relations: a non-European perspective

Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine-Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal ‘title deed’ to the land of Palestine signed by God.

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International Relations at the Beginning of the XX Century in the Works of Vladimir Mikhailovich Khvostov

Journal of Educational and Social Research ◽

10.2478/jesr-2019-0074 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 9 (4) ◽

pp. 218-221

Author(s):

Albina Imamutdinova ◽

Nikita Kuvshinov ◽

Elena Andreeva ◽

Elena Venidiktova

Keyword(s):

Social Sciences ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

Significant Role ◽

Research Activities ◽

History Of

Abstract The article discusses the research activities of Vladimir Mikhailovich Khvostov, his creative legacy on issues and problems of international relations of the early ХХ century; the life of V.M. Khvostov, characterization and evolution of his approaches and views on the history of international relations, foreign policy. A prominent organizer and theorist in the field of pedagogical Sciences, academician Vladimir Mikhailovich Khvostov played a significant role in the formation of the Academy of pedagogical Sciences of the USSR – the all-Union center of pedagogical thought. As its first President, he paid great attention to the development and improvement of the system of humanitarian education in the school, taking into account all the tasks and requirements imposed by the practice of Communist construction in our country. In his reports and speeches at various scientific sessions and conferences, he repeatedly emphasized the exceptional importance of social Sciences in the training of not only educated girls and boys, but also in the formation of politically literate youth.

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THE CONCEPT OF THE BALANCE OF FORCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY

Knowledge International Journal ◽

10.35120/kij28061835v ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 28 (6) ◽

pp. 1835-1847

Author(s):

Vladimir Tomashevic ◽

Hatidza Berisha ◽

Aleksandar Cirakovic

Keyword(s):

International Relations ◽

21St Century ◽

Scientific Understanding ◽

Theoretical Understanding ◽

Major Powers ◽

Realistic Theory ◽

World Power ◽

History Of ◽

Balance Of Forces ◽

Single World

In this paper the authors proceed from defining the concept of balance of forces, theoretical understanding of the balance of forces from the aspect of the scientific understanding of the realistic theory of international relations with concrete examples from the history of international relations. However, the focus of the work is an analysis of the power between a single world power (USA) and major powers (Russia, China) in a possible balance of power.The aim of the paper is to try to point out, through a relatively brief review, the possibility of establishing a balance of forces in the 21st century.

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Between Specters of War and Visions of Peace

10.1093/oso/9780190903916.001.0001 ◽

2019 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Gerald M. Mara

Keyword(s):

Political Philosophy ◽

International Relations ◽

Political Theory ◽

Democratic Theory ◽

First Century ◽

Political Life ◽

Frames Of Reference ◽

War And Peace ◽

History Of ◽

Western Democracies

This book examines how ideas of war and peace have functioned as organizing frames of reference within the history of political theory. It interprets ten widely read figures in that history within five thematically focused chapters that pair (in order) Schmitt and Derrida, Aquinas and Machiavelli, Hobbes and Kant, Hegel and Nietzsche, and Thucydides and Plato. The book’s substantive argument is that attempts to establish either war or peace as dominant intellectual perspectives obscure too much of political life. The book argues for a style of political theory committed more to questioning than to closure. It challenges two powerful currents in contemporary political philosophy: the verdict that premodern or metaphysical texts cannot speak to modern and postmodern societies, and the insistence that all forms of political theory be some form of democratic theory. What is offered instead is a nontraditional defense of the tradition and a democratic justification for moving beyond democratic theory. Though the book avoids any attempt to show the immediate relevance of these interpretations to current politics, its impetus stems very much from the current political circumstances. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century , a series of wars has eroded confidence in the progressively peaceful character of international relations; citizens of the Western democracies are being warned repeatedly about the threats posed within a dangerous world. In this turbulent context, democratic citizens must think more critically about the actions their governments undertake. The texts interpreted here are valuable resources for such critical thinking.

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National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964

Contemporary European History ◽

10.1017/s0960777305002766 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 14 (4) ◽

pp. 559-582 ◽

Cited By ~ 16

Author(s):

HOLGER NEHRING

Keyword(s):

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

Social History ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

Political Movements ◽

Protest Movements ◽

The Social ◽

Political Traditions ◽

History Of ◽

The Cold War

This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.

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The hierarchical society: the politics of self-determination and the constitution of new states after 1919

European Journal of International Relations ◽

10.1177/1354066119866496 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 26 (2) ◽

pp. 372-396

Author(s):

Maja Spanu

Keyword(s):

World War I ◽

International Relations ◽

International Society ◽

International System ◽

World Politics ◽

League Of Nations ◽

Self Determination ◽

World War ◽

New States ◽

History Of

International Relations scholarship disconnects the history of the so-called expansion of international society from the presence of hierarchies within it. In contrast, this article argues that these developments may in fact be premised on hierarchical arrangements whereby new states are subject to international tutelage as the price of acceptance to international society. It shows that hierarchies within international society are deeply entrenched with the politics of self-determination as international society expands. I substantiate this argument with primary and secondary material on the Minority Treaty provisions imposed on the new states in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe admitted to the League of Nations after World War I. The implications of this claim for International Relations scholarship are twofold. First, my argument contributes to debates on the making of the international system of states by showing that the process of expansion of international society is premised on hierarchy, among and within states. Second, it speaks to the growing body of scholarship on hierarchy in world politics by historicising where hierarchies come from, examining how diverse hierarchies are nested and intersect, and revealing how different actors navigate these hierarchies.

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Scarred souls, weary warriors, and military intervention: the emergence of the subject in the just war writings of Jean Bethke Elshtain

Review of International Studies ◽

10.1017/s0260210512000344 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 39 (4) ◽

pp. 859-880 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

PETER LEE

Keyword(s):

International Relations ◽

Political Theory ◽

Just War ◽

Military Intervention ◽

Military Force ◽

The Past ◽

History Of ◽

The Subject ◽

Just War Tradition ◽

A Site

AbstractOver the past three decades Jean Bethke Elshtain has used her critique and application of just war as a means of engaging with multiple overlapping aspects of identity. Though Elshtain ostensibly writes about war and the justice, or lack of justice, therein, she also uses just war a site of analysis within which different strands of subjectivity are investigated and articulated as part of her broader political theory. This article explores the proposition that Elshtain's most important contribution to the just war tradition is not be found in her provision of codes or her analysis of ad bellum or in bello criteria, conformity to which adjudges war or military intervention to be just or otherwise. Rather, that she enriches just war debate because of the unique and sometimes provocative perspective she brings as political theorist and International Relations scholar who adopts, adapts, and deploys familiar but, for some, uncomfortable discursive artefacts from the history of the Christian West: suffused with her own Christian faith and theology. In so doing she continually reminds us that human lives, with all their attendant political, social, and religious complexities, should be the focus when military force is used, or even proposed, for political ends.

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