Profile 1 - The Global Compact: Promoting Corporate Responsibility? Profile 2 - The Creation of the United Nations Forum on Forests Profile 3 - The rBST Ban - A Taste of What's to Come for GM Foods? Profile 4 - Managing Waste Organochlorine Chemicals in Australia

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Hughes ◽  
Rorden Wilkinson ◽  
David Humphreys ◽  
Tom Macmillan ◽  
Ian D. Rae
1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ted Perlmutter

This article focuses on the apparent disjunction between the Italian reluctance to allow Albanians to come as refugees and Italy's enthusiastic leadership of the United Nations military-humanitarian mission. It explains the Italian response both in terms of Italian popular opinion regarding Albanians and Italy's concern for the impression on Europe that its politics would make. Italy's leadership of the mission represents the first time a medium-sized power has assisted a neighboring country with whom it has had deep historical connections. The conclusion argues that such proximate interventions are likely to increase in the future, and spells out the implications of the Italian case.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 682-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Genina

On September 19th, 2016, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted Resolution 71/1, the text of the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (the “New York Declaration”). Resolution 71/1 is the outcome document of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants, held at the UN headquarters. The New York Declaration reflects how UN member states have decided to address the challenge of large movements of people in two main legal categories: asylum seekers/refugees and migrants. Resolution 71/1 includes an annex titled “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (the “global compact for migration” or “global compact”). This document is comprised of several thematic issues related to international migration that will be the basis of a globally negotiated agreement on how member states should respond to international migration at the national, regional, and international levels, as well as to issues related to international migration and development. The global compact for migration is intended to be adopted at a conference on international migration and development before the inauguration of the 73rd annual session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. This paper addresses how UN member states should plan to address international migration in the future. It does not refer to refugees and asylum seekers: a global compact on refugees will be drafted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 2018, and to be presented to the UN General Assembly for states' consideration during its 73rd annual session, which starts in September 2018.1 For those who have been involved in migration issues within the United Nations, the fact that member states have finally agreed to convene an international conference on international migration represents a major achievement. It is the result of an extended process that started decades ago and was made possible by a long chain of efforts by many state delegations and other stakeholders. The global compact for migration will not be the first outcome document dealing exclusively with international migration. A declaration2 adopted at a high-level meeting at the United Nations in October 2013, for example, paved the way for the 2018 conference. Nonetheless, the global compact represents a unique opportunity to address international migration comprehensively and humanely. This paper contributes to the discussion on the elements that should be included in the global compact for migration. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section analyzes the main elements of Annex II, “Towards a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration,” and the criteria that needs to be adopted in order to achieve a substantive outcome. In particular, participants in the negotiation process should aim to balance the concerns of states and the members of host societies, on one hand, with the needs and rights of migrants, on the other. The second section includes proposals to enrich the final global compact for migration and takes into account two documents written by two different actors within the UN system, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Migration, and the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. In particular, the paper proposes that the global compact for migration: • sets forth principles that can inform the actions of governments in relation to international migration at all levels; • enunciates a clearer definition of state protection responsibilities in relation to migrants in crisis situations and so-called “mixed flows”3; affords a substantive role to civil society organizations, the private sector, and academic institutions in the global compact's follow-up and review process; • defines the institutional framework for the implementation and follow-up of the global compact within the United Nations, including through the work of the UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF); • establishes a mechanism to fund migration policies for states that lack enough resources to invest sufficiently in this task; and • builds a cooperation-oriented, peer-review mechanism to review migration policies. The paper has been conceived as an input for those who will take part in the negotiation of the global compact for migration, as well as those who will closely follow those negotiations. Thus, the paper assumes a level of knowledge on how international migration has been addressed within the United Nations during the last several years and of the complexities of these negotiation processes. The author took part in different UN negotiation processes on international migration from 2004 to 2013. The paper is primarily based on this experience.4


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
James Gluck ◽  
Michael Macaulay

In November 2015 the Organised Crime and Anti-corruption Legislation Bill was passed by Parliament. An omnibus bill, it amended numerous different acts in relation to (among other things) money laundering, organised crime, corruption and bribery offences. One of its stated aims was to bring New Zealand legislation up to date to enable New Zealand to finally ratify the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), which it did in December that year. The merits and potential demerits of the bill have been discussed previously (Macaulay and Gregory, 2015), but one thing that requires further attention is the creation of a new offence of ‘trading in influence’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Krastev ◽  
Blagovesta Koyundzhiyska-Davidkova ◽  
Nadezhda Petkova

Abstract In 2000, the global policy against the phenomenon of “corruption“ was launched by the United Nations, and in 2003 the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) was adopted, which Bulgaria ratified three years later. Two months after the adoption of this international convention, Bulgaria became part of the European Union. The accession was accompanied by the creation of “specific accompanying measures” aimed at correcting identified deficiencies in various areas, including measures against corruption. As a result of the annual reports of the European Commission on Bulgaria’s progress on the Co-operation and Verification Mechanism, anti-corruption law-making has begun to develop and improve. Serious progress in this direction is the creation of legislation in the area of “conflict of interest”, which is not exactly corruption but creates prerequisites for its development, especially in the public sphere. The paper presents the result of the analysis of the created anti-corruption legislation after the accession of the Republic of Bulgaria to the EU. Particular attention is paid to the law adopted in 2018 regulating anti-corruption measures, as well as the terms and procedure for the seizure of illegally acquired property for the benefit of the state.


Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

Chapter 7 studies the implementation of the international women’s justice norm at the national level. It shows how pressure from the United Nations shaped the creation of the specialized units in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire and thus the implementation of the international women’s justice norm. It draws on a range of interviews, including with personnel of the United Nations peacekeeping missions in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire and the with women’s rights advocates, to demonstrate how this international pressure interacted with domestic pressure and conditions to produce varied implementation outcomes. While high international pressure was sufficient for the creation of the speicalized units, high domestic pressure and favorable political and institutional conditions were needed for rapid institutioanlization.


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