Bolshevism, Fascism and the Liberal-Democratic State.Maurice ParmeleeNazi Means War.Leland StoweNazism: An Assault on Civilization.Pierre Van Paassen , James Waterman WiseThe Modern World: A Pageant of Today.H. C. Knapp-FisherGermany Prepares for War-A Nazi Theory of National Defense.Ewald Banse

1935 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-396
Author(s):  
Frederick L. Schuman

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-55
Author(s):  
Kateryna Fedoryshyna

The main aim of this paper is to examine the problem of the crisis of liberal democracy in the modern world, referring to the phenomenon of a loss of balance between social and personal good in a pluralistic society. There are several concepts of democracy in political science, including the classic liberal concept, which sees its core priorities collide with recent global challenges. Thus, the relevance of this problem refers to the recent disappointment in the idea of liberal democracy, which shows disillusionment in democracy as such. In response to this trend, some hybrid regimes offer an alternative in the form of so-called democracies with illiberal approaches. From the other side, the liberal democratic platforms are used by populist political forces, which results in dividing democratic societies about the questions hard to finally solve. The Brexit problem – the process of British exit from the European Union – shows recent examples of long-lasting social effects derived from the crisis of liberal democratic concept. The author of the article has come to the conclusion that when it comes to modern democratic processes, classic liberal approach brings the populism threat back to the table. When there is no balance between the totally free civil society with its direct democratic influences and the state structure with formal procedures aimed at total good of beneficial functioning, the liberal instruments would be used by populists. Populism can create severe divisions within liberal democratic societies providing dilemmas, such as Brexit, which are difficult to solve with the same liberal democratic procedures. This means that liberal democratic approach undermines itself with the very fact of the existing tendency to lose balance between the ideal personal freedom (that includes satisfying every citizen’s choice) and public good.



1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis J. Edinger

The comparative ease with which authoritarian groups have come to power in nations where large parties stood pledged to defend the democratic order to the bitter end has become one of the most disturbing elements in modern world politics. Such developments have brought into question the validity of accepted liberal-democratic norms governing the behavior of responsible leaders, both in the domestic opposition to the authoritarian regime and in foreign governments whose security arrangements are adversely affected by the suppression of free institutions. Basically, these traditional norms have implied non-interference with constitutional political processes and acceptance of their consequences. On June 23, 1933, Hitler outlawed the German Social Democratic Party (SPD), which for over four decades, until 1932, had been the largest German party and, since the founding of the Weimar Republic iri 1918, the principal advocate and defender of the democratic system and a peaceful foreign policy. In considering the actions of its leadership from the accession of Hitler to the outlawing of the party, this article seeks to contribute to a re-examination of these accepted norms, particularly insofar as they concern the behavior of a liberal-democratic mass party faced with a government seeking total power.



Author(s):  
John Stuart Mill

‘it is only the cultivation of individuality which produces, or can produce, well developed human beings’ Mill's four essays, 'On Liberty', 'Utilitarianism', 'Considerations on Representative Government', and 'The Subjection of Women' examine the most central issues that face liberal democratic regimes - whether in the nineteenth century or the twenty-first. They have formed the basis for many of the political institutions of the West since the late nineteenth century, tackling as they do the appropriate grounds for protecting individual liberty, the basic principles of ethics, the benefits and the costs of representative institutions, and the central importance of gender equality in society. These essays are central to the liberal tradition, but their interpretation and how we should understand their connection with each other are both contentious. In their introduction Mark Philp and Frederick Rosen set the essays in the context of Mill's other works, and argue that his conviction in the importance of the development of human character in its full diversity provides the core to his liberalism and to any defensible account of the value of liberalism to the modern world. ABOUT THE SERIES: For over 100 years Oxford World's Classics has made available the widest range of literature from around the globe. Each affordable volume reflects Oxford's commitment to scholarship, providing the most accurate text plus a wealth of other valuable features, including expert introductions by leading authorities, helpful notes to clarify the text, up-to-date bibliographies for further study, and much more.



Author(s):  
Lidia Rozhok

The article examines the problems of constitutional interpretation through the prism of globalization and modern world modelsof constitutional interpretation. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the main trend in the implementation of constitutional interpretationin modern conditions is the use of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and reference to the decisions of the constitutionalcourts of foreign countries. This is the result of globalization, the practice of modern constitutionalism and dialogue betweenjudges of constitutional courts in the world. Such a constitutional combination of practices is not only a tool for improving judicial decisions,but also for building a “global legal system”. The globalization of constitutional law means that constitutionalism is no longerthe privilege of the nation-state, but a world concept and standard. The use of international law in the constitutional interpretation isjust one example of the migration of constitutional ideas through legal systems, which also includes the use of foreign constitutions asmodels in the process of adopting a constitution.It is concluded that Ukraine, like the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, has no choice but to adopt liberal-democratic constitutions.These are common constitutional values and constitutional rapprochement. Therefore, the constitutional interpretationthrough a comparative reference to international (and foreign) law and soft law acts of the Council of Europe is part of the modernimplementation of the concept of international law, the concept of friendly attitude to international law and the migration of constitutionalideas.



2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norbert Götz ◽  
Georgina Brewis ◽  
Steffen Werther
Keyword(s):  






Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.



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