Non-State Actors and Foreign Policy

Author(s):  
Frank A. Stengel ◽  
Rainer Baumann

The rise of non-state (international, private, and transnational) actors in global politics has far-reaching consequences for foreign policy theory and practice. In order to be able to explain foreign policy in the 21st century, foreign policy research needs to take into account the growing importance of nonstate actorss. A good way to do this would be to engage the literature on globalization and global governance. Both fields would benefit from such an exchange of ideas because their respective strengths could cancel out each other’s weaknesses. Foreign policy research, on the one hand, has a strong track record explaining foreign policy outcomes, using a broad range of theoretical concepts, but almost completely ignores non-state actors. This is highly problematic for at least two reasons: first, foreign policy is increasingly made in international organizations and intergovernmental and transnational governance networks instead of national institutions like foreign ministries. Second, the latter increasingly open up to, and involve, non-state actors in their policymaking procedures. Thus, if foreign policy research wants to avoid becoming marginalized in the future, it needs to take into account this change. However, systemic approaches like neorealism or constructivism have difficulties adapting to the new reality of foreign policy. They stress the importance of states at the expense of non-state actors, which are only of marginal interest to them, as is global governance. Moreover, they also conceptualize states as unitary actors, which forecloses the possibility of examining the involvement of non-state actors in states’ decision-making processes. Agency-based approaches such as foreign policy analysis (FPA) fare much better, at least in principle. FPA scholars stress the importance of disaggregating the state and looking at the individuals and group dynamics that influence their decision-making. However, while this commitment to opening up the state allows for a great deal more flexibility vis-à-vis different types of actors, FPA research has so far remained state-centric and only very recently turned to non-state actors. On the other hand, non-state actors’ involvement in policymaking is the strong suit of the literature on globalization and global governance, which has spent a lot of time and effort analyzing various forms of “hybrid” governance. At the same time, however, this literature has been rather descriptive, so far mainly systematizing different governance arrangements and the conditions under which non-state actors are included in governance arrangements. This literature could profit from foreign policy research’s rich theoretical knowledge in explaining policy outcomes in hybrid governance networks and international organizations (IOs). Foreign policy researchers should take non-state actors seriously. In this regard, three avenues in particular are relevant for future research: (1) comparative empirical research to establish the extent of non-state actors’ participation in foreign policymaking across different countries and governance arrangements; (2) explanatory studies that analyze the conditions under which non-state actors are involved in states’ foreign policymaking processes; and (3) the normative implications of increased hybrid foreign policymaking for democratic legitimacy.

Author(s):  
Tyler Pratt

Abstract Why do states build new international organizations (IOs) in issue areas where many institutions already exist? Prevailing theories of institutional creation emphasize their ability to resolve market failures, but adding new IOs can increase uncertainty and rule inconsistency. I argue that institutional proliferation occurs when existing IOs fail to adapt to shifts in state power. Member states expect decision-making rules to reflect their underlying power; when it does not, they demand greater influence in the organization. Subsequent bargaining over the redistribution of IO influence often fails due to credibility and information problems. As a result, under-represented states construct new organizations that provide them with greater institutional control. To test this argument, I examine the proliferation of multilateral development banks since 1944. I leverage a novel identification strategy rooted in the allocation of World Bank votes at Bretton Woods to show that the probability of institutional proliferation is higher when power is misaligned in existing institutions. My results suggest that conflict over shifts in global power contribute to the fragmentation of global governance.


2013 ◽  
pp. 43-53
Author(s):  
Будаева С.В ◽  
Болортуяа А

После распада социалистического блока, Монголия как и другие страны постсоветского пространства характеризуется глубокими преобразованиями социальных, политических и экономических основ, которые являются единицами “схемы” социальной структуры обшества страны. На протяжении более 20 лет преобразования, перехода к новой пути развития, Монголия переодолела многие трудности экономического, политического, социального характера с помошью развитых стран и международных организации, таких как ООН, Всемирный Банк и др. Но в результате этих усилий, в настоящее время, Монголия смогла выстроить основные ценности демократии и стала одной и ведущих демократических стран в Азиатском регионе.   Democracy building in Mongolia The paper deals with the achievements and problems of Mongolia at period of its democratic development. It is evident that foreign policy of Mongolia is aiming at solving factual economic tasks which confront the state during complex transformation. Some factors of more successful transformation in comparison with other countries and international organizations. Transformation in Mongolia with its small though rapidly growing population, relatively low starting development level turned out to be rather fruitful.


This chapter describes the ideological forms and beliefs that are considered either evangelical or liberal. The differences between these two types of faith worldviews influence legislative decision making and inform culture. To the extent that gay issues represent a cultural divide between religious traditionalism and progressivism policy outcomes are impacted by these differences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 91-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desireé Mullis Clement

The state of Georgia faces challenges in providing access to care, largely due to rural hospital closures and physician shortages. Although nurse practitioners (NPs) could help address Georgia's urgent health care needs, the state remains restrictive with respect to NP scope of practice (SOP). This study examined factors that influence Georgia legislators' decision-making on NP SOP. In June 2016, after the January through March legislative session, a questionnaire was e-mailed to 49 state legislators on the Committees on Health and Human Services in Georgia's House of Representatives and Senate. The questionnaire was adapted from a legislative questionnaire previously used in research on state educational policy. Nine of 49 (18%) Georgia legislators responded. The majority of nine respondents were Republicans having served less than 15 years in the legislature. The number of respondents was approximately equal between Senate and House of Representatives. The respondents rated expert testimony and hearing from constituents as most likely to influence their decision-making on NP SOP. They reported that media and concerns about reelection were least likely to influence their decision-making about NP SOP. Therefore, nurses who aim to influence state policy should consider legislator preferences, such as speaking personally with constituents and receiving expert testimony. In-person communication could enhance interactions with legislators, potentially improving policy outcomes. Future research is necessary and should be conducted by NPs to determine the forms of communication and content in testimony most effective in influencing state lawmakers about NP SOP and examine if results vary by state political or other contexts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 173-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphane Paquin

This article aims to assess the effectiveness of two systems of governance with respect to the making of international treaties: the Canadian system, where the decision-making process is more centralized and where intergovernmental mechanisms are poorly institutionalized; and the Belgian system, where sub-state actors have the role of co-decision and where intergovernmental mechanisms are highly institutionalized. The central question to be discussed is: is the fact that one gives an important role to sub-state actors in the making of a country’s treaty by means of institutionalized intergovernmental mechanisms something that negatively or positively affects the foreign policy of a state? And is this a positive- or a negative-sum game at the level of the conclusion and implementation of treaties? The article concludes that the Belgian system is more effective, largely because its sub-state actors have an important role at every step of the conclusion of a treaty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-201
Author(s):  
Mila Fitri Yeni

This research aims to analyze Germany’s Motivation to accept Syrian refugee in 2015 at German policy of Open Door Policy. A foreign policy that was chosen by the state is rational choice by calculating the benefit earned and cost paid through the policy based on national interests. This research was analysed using the concept Rational Model of Decision Making by Karen A.Mingst this concept sees the formulation of a state’s foreign policy based on the considerations of the costs and benefits a state gets on the issue at hand, in which the state will choose a policy with greater profits than its sacrifices. The researcher concluded that Germany’s open door policy toward Syrian refugees was a rational choice because it has that advantage in the form of adding labor that has an effect on the economic aspect for Germany


Author(s):  
Diana Panke ◽  
Ingo Henneberg

The interplay between states and international organizations has received a lot of scholarly attention, largely because the number of international organizations has increased considerably within the last century. State-of-the-art scholarship on the foreign policies of international organizations and states is presented here, as are rationalist and constructivist accounts of how the foreign policies of states impact international organizations (bottom-up perspective), as well as how, in turn, international organizations impact member-state foreign policies (top-down perspective). Thereby, the polity, politics, and policy dimensions of both states and international organizations are examined in order to explain the changes states’ foreign policies can induce, under what scope conditions, in the international organizations’ structure (polity), procedures (politics), and policy outcomes. Vice versa, also explained are the changes international organizations can induce, under what scope conditions, in the foreign policy apparatus of states (polity), foreign policy decision-making procedures (politics), and states’ foreign policies. As is illustrated, the theme “International Organizations and Foreign Policy” is not an established foreign policy subfield per se but is covered here in multiple approaches and theories. In line with the development of international relations, the bottom-up perspective has received much more scholarly attention than the top-down perspective. Furthermore, bottom-up research evidences a tendency toward the strong influence of states’ foreign policies on the policy and polity of international organizations, while the top-down influence of international organizations on states’ foreign policy apparatus, procedures, and policies is usually much more limited. Finally, an outlook into fruitful future avenues for research is outlined.


Author(s):  
Jean A. Garrison

The core decision-making literature argues that leaders and their advisors operate within a political and social context that determines when and how they matter to foreign policy decision making. Small groups and powerful leaders become important when they have an active interest in and involvement with the issue under discussion; when the problem is perceived to be a crisis and important to the future of the regime; in novel situations requiring more than simple application of existing standard operating procedures; and when high-level diplomacy is involved. Irving Janis’s groupthink and Graham Allison’s bureaucratic politics serve as the starting point in the study of small groups and foreign policy decision making. There are three distinct structural arrangements of decision groups: formalistic/hierarchical, competitive, and collegial advisory structures, which vary based on their centralization and how open they are to the input of various members of the decision group. Considering the leader, group members, and influence patterns, it is possible to see that decision making within a group rests on the symbiotic relationship between the leader and members of the group or among group members themselves. Indeed, the interaction among group members creates particular patterns of behavior that affect how the group functions and how the policy process will evolve and likely influence policy outcomes. Ultimately, small group decision making must overcome the consistent challenge to differentiate its role in foreign policy analysis from other decision units and expand further beyond the American context.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Crystal C. Hall ◽  
Martha M. Galvez ◽  
Isaac M. Sederbaum

Assumptions about decision making and consumer preferences guide programs and products intended to help low-income households achieve healthy outcomes and financial stability. Despite their importance to service design and implementation, these assumptions are rarely stated explicitly, or empirically tested. Some key assumptions may reflect ideas carried over from an earlier era of social-service delivery. Or they may reflect research on decision making by higher income populations that do not hold or have not been tested in a low-income context. This disconnect between assumptions and evidence potentially results in less effective policy design and implementation—at substantial financial and social cost. This piece examines how insights from psychology can help policymakers analyze the core assumptions about behavior that underlie policy outcomes. Three policy areas serve as case studies, to examine some implicit and explicit assumptions about how low-income individuals make decisions under public and nonprofit assistance: banking, nutrition, and housing. Research on preferences and decision making evaluates these foundational assumptions. This perspective provides a unique and under-utilized framework to explain some behavioral puzzles, examine and predict the actions of individuals living in poverty, and understand what are often disappointing program outcomes. Recommendations suggest how psychology and behavioral decision making can impact policy research and design.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarina Theys ◽  
Katharina Rietig

Abstract How do small states succeed in influencing global policies? Traditional International Relations theories highlight the vulnerability and limited capacity of small states and suggest that the scope for these states to influence global policies is limited. However, recent literature on small states in global governance has challenged this view. Studies have found that in the context of international organizations, participation in coalitions and favourable decision-making structures, among others, contribute to explaining the influence of small states in global governance. While these factors are indeed relevant, they only partly explain how small states are able to influence global policies. Drawing on in-depth qualitative research exploring the influence of small states, this article advances understandings of how small states can influence global governance and international negotiations. Focusing on one small state, the article analyses how Bhutan, through policy entrepreneur Jigme Y. Thinley, challenged fundamental ideas about what constitutes development by placing happiness on the global agenda. We contribute unique data on the influence of Bhutan and an analytical framework on the influence of small states, outlining a process of how small states can influence global policy despite their structural weaknesses. The framework consists of an attribute in the form of policy entrepreneur(s) who speak and act on behalf of the state, four strategies comprising the marketing of the state, venue shopping, facilitating learning and coalition networks, and two framework conditions, including windows of opportunity and a conducive decision-making process.


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