Women, Power, and the State in Guinea

Author(s):  
Anna Dessertine

Women’s involvement in the processes of state formation is marked by a strong ambivalence in Guinea: female political mobilizations appear as an indispensable advantage for state power when they are deployed in support of it, but these mobilizations can likewise disrupt and generate major problems for the state when they are directed against it. The efficacy of female political involvement is closely linked to the historiography of relationships between women and the state in Guinea, a country that helped construct an image of female activism outside of areas considered to be exclusively political, and as a guarantor of social justice. During the colonial period, as was the case for many other countries under French colonial rule, the influence of women was restricted to the domestic sphere: once households ceased to constitute a political resource for the colonial regimes (in contrast to the precolonial era), the influence that women were able to wield within, for example, matrimonial alliances was considerably reduced. Yet, women played a highly important role in nationalist conflicts and under the regime of Sékou Touré, who served as Guinea’s first president from 1958 to 1984. Presented as the “women’s man,” Touré sought high integration of women into his political party, based on structures inspired by the Soviet socialist model. This was a Guinean political originality. In this context, even though women were given official prominence, their demands nonetheless drew on conservative models that relied on a politicization of the maternal figure. Yet the domestic and apolitical character of female mobilization still lends it a spontaneous efficacy in a context in which laws supporting women are seldom enforced and in which the situation seems to have become increasingly precarious for women due to male emigration and inequalities in property rights.

PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1621-1629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salah D. Hassan

This essay consists of three beginnings, then a deferred reading of a novel. One beginning, a theoretical beginning, reflects on the question implicit in my title: What is unstated in the state of Lebanon? Another beginning, a literary critical beginning, returns to the work of Kahlil Gibran, the most famous early-twentieth-century Arab North American writer. Gibran links modernist and postmodernist Arab North American writing and, in a historical parallel, connects the foundations of the Lebanese state under French colonial rule to its disintegration in the context of the civil war. A third beginning, a contextual beginning, evokes more recent events in Lebanon through a discussion of the July War of 2006, during which Israel bombed the country for over a month. These three points of departure, I suggest, are crucial to readings of contemporary Arab North American fiction, which is always conditioned by theories of the state, a post-Gibran literary sensibility, and the politics of the present. More specifically, I argue that Rawi Hage's representation of the civil war in Lebanon in DeNiro's Game negotiates the destruction of the Lebanese state through figures of the unstated, whose very existence questions more generally the state form as the preeminent site of political authority and contributes to unstating the state.


2010 marked the 50th anniversary of the ‘Year of Africa’. All France’s colonies in sub-Saharan Africa gained their independence in that year. This book brings together leading scholars from across the globe to review ‘Francophone Africa at Fifty’. It examines continuities from the colonial to the post-colonial period and analyses the diverse and multi-faceted legacy of French colonial rule in sub-Saharan Africa. It also reviews the decolonization of French West Africa in comparative perspective and observes how independence is remembered and commemorated fifty years on.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 99-104
Author(s):  
D. B. Laptev ◽  
◽  
A. A. Fedorov

The article explores approaches to content of classification and principles of its construction. It is proposed to define the classification of other measures of a criminal legal nature as a slender, logically consistent set of individual categories (groups), including the distribution of other measures of a criminal legal nature, based on independent and subordinate classification grounds. The authors attempt to develop scientifically based grounds for classifying other criminal legal measures on the purpose and alternative (conjugation) of punishment. Other criminal legal measures applicable for the purpose of testing, raising or curing a subject, i. e. correcting their behavior or state of health, as well as other criminal legal measures aimed at restricting the property rights of the subject, affecting their property (including financial status) in order to restore social justice and compensation for damage caused to society and the State as a result of the commission of a crime, are identified.


Africa ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Geschiere

Given the crisis today over the proper power of the State in modern Cameroon (as elsewhere in Africa), chiefs are sometimes considered as a possible alternative focus of authority. Yet chieftaincy is a very variable, context-dependent phenomenon, even when it originated only in the colonial period. The article illustrates this point by examining the different fortunes of the office of chief in two Cameroonian societies, the Maka (who came under French rule) and the Bakweri (who came under British rule). In neither instance (but for different reasons) does chieftaincy appear to offer the alternative, middle-range authority that is needed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Komal Rajak

The right to property is especially sacrosanct since the state of financial deficit renders women’s condition very much pathetic in a patriarchal society. In order to get a clear picture of women’s property rights in a caste based patriarchal society like India, here, the Hindu Code Bill is taken into consideration as a major plot because the bill has a history of egalitarian dialogue and had been initiated as an effort to make an egalitarian structure, wherein women would be enjoying property rights as equal to men. This article deals with the trajectories of women’s property rights in India after the introduction of the Hindu Code Bill. So, the focus area of the study is on women’s rights in ancient Indian laws and their development in modern laws since the colonial period to the Hindu Code Bill.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chi Pham

<p>This article analyses the state of <em>câm l</em><em>ặ</em><em>ng </em>(silence) embodied in Vietnamese literary reactions to Rabindranath Tagore and his works during the French colonial period to address the question of why the Vietnamese colonial reception of Tagore was marginalized from the socialist Vietnamese historiography. The article argues that silence – an image of Annamite spirituality promoted by Tagore and his works as well as by Vietnamese intellectuals – conforms to the Orientalist discourse of spiritual East. Such colonial appreciations of Tagore do not meet any Vietnamese national and class struggles, thus they are made invisible in postcolonial Vietnamese historiography.</p>


DÍKÉ ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Giang HUYNH THI TRUC

In Vietnam, the government has focused on protecting children’s rights for many years, especially after the State signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child; however, whether such rights existed during the French colonial rule in Vietnam is an issue that needs to be clarified. This paper is formulated on the premise that the protection of children’s right was legislated in the Vietnamese law during the French occupation. In order to prove this position, this paper considers the laws enforced during the French colonial rule in Vietnam (1858–1945).


Author(s):  
Karl Widerquist ◽  
Grant S. McCall

Earlier chapters of this book found that the Hobbesian hypothesis is false; the Lockean proviso is unfulfilled; contemporary states and property rights systems fail to meet the standard that social contract and natural property rights theories require for their justification. This chapter assesses the implications of those findings for the two theories. Section 1 argues that, whether contractarians accept or reject these findings, they need to clarify their argument to remove equivocation. Section 2 invites efforts to refute this book’s empirical findings. Section 3 discusses a response open only to property rights theorists: concede this book’s empirical findings and blame government failure. Section 4 considers the argument that this book misidentifies the state of nature. Section 5 considers a “bracketing strategy,” which admits that observed stateless societies fit the definition of the state of nature, but argues that they are not the relevant forms of statelessness today. Section 6 discusses the implications of accepting both the truth and relevance of the book’s findings, concluding that the best response is to fulfil the Lockean proviso by taking action to improve the lives of disadvantaged people.


Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Moh. Ah. Subhan ZA

The main problem of social life in the community is about how to make the allocation and distribution of income well. Inequality and poverty basically arise not because of the difference of anyone’s strength and weakness in getting livelihood, but because of inappropriate distribution mechanism. With the result that wealth treasure just turns on the rich wealthy, which is in turn, results in the rich get richer and the poor get poorer.Therefore, a discussion on distribution becomes main focus of theory of Islamic economics. Moreover, the discussion of the distribution is not only related to economic issues, but also social and political aspects. On the other side, the economic vision of Islam gives priority to the guarantee of the fulfillment of a better life. Islam emphasizes distributive justice and encloses, in its system, a program for the redistribution of wealth and prosperity, so that each individual is guaranteed with a respectable and friendly standard of living. Islam recognizes private property rights, but the private property rights must be properly distributed. The personal property is used for self and family livelihood, for investment of the working capital, so that it can provide job opportunities for others, for help of the others through zakat, infaq, and shodaqoh. In this way, the wealth not only rotates on the rich, bringing on gap in social life.The problem of wealth distribution is closely related to the welfare of society. Therefore, the state has a duty to regulate the distribution of income in order that the distribution can be fair and reaches appropriate target. The state could at least attempt it by optimizing the role of BAZ (Badan Amil Zakat) and LAZ (Lembaga Amil Zakat) which has all this time been slack. If BAZ and LAZ can be optimized, author believes that inequality and poverty over time will vanish. This is because the majority of Indonesia's population is Muslim.


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