Frontier Politics, Providentialism, and “Hobbism” in Bacon’s Rebellion

Author(s):  
Alexander B. Haskell

Bacon’s Rebellion (1676–1677) was an uprising in the Virginia colony that its participants experienced as both a civil breakdown and a period of intense cosmic disorder. Although Thomas Hobbes had introduced his theory of state sovereignty a quarter century earlier, the secularizing connotations of his highly naturalized conceptualization of power had yet to make major inroads on a post-Reformation culture that was only gradually shifting from Renaissance providentialism to Enlightenment rationalism. Instead, the period witnessed a complicated interplay of providential beliefs and Hobbist doctrines. In the aftermath of the English civil war (1642–1651), this mingling of ideologies had prompted the Puritans’ own experimentation with Hobbes’s ideas, often in tandem with a Platonic spiritualism that was quite at odds with Hobbes’s own philosophical skepticism. The Restoration of 1660 had given an additional boost to Hobbism as his ideas won a number of prominent adherents in Charles II’s government. The intermingling of providentialism and Hobbism gave Bacon’s Rebellion its particular aura of heightened drama and frightening uncertainty. In the months before the uprising, the outbreak of a war on the colony’s frontier with the Doeg and Susquehannock peoples elicited fears in the frontier counties of a momentous showdown between faithful planters and God’s enemies. In contrast, Governor Sir William Berkeley’s establishmentarian Protestantism encouraged him to see the frontiersmen’s vigilantism as impious, and the government’s more measured response to the conflict as inherently godlier because tied to time-tested hierarchies and institutions. Greatly complicating this already confusing scene, the colony also confronted a further destabilizing force in the form of the new Hobbist politics emerging from the other side of the ocean. In addition to a number of alarming policies emanating from Charles II’s court in the 1670s that sought to enhance the English state’s supremacy over the colonies, Hobbes’s doctrines also informed the young Nathaniel Bacon Jr.’s stated rationale for leading frontiersmen against local Indian communities without Berkeley’s authorization. Drawing on the Hobbes-influenced civil war-era writings of his relation the Presbyterian lawyer Nathaniel Bacon, the younger Bacon made the protection of the colony’s Christian brotherhood a moral priority that outweighed even the preservation of existing civil relations and public institutions. While Berkeley’s antagonism toward this Hobbesian argument led him to lash out forcibly against Bacon as a singularly great threat to Virginia’s commonwealth, it was ordinary Virginians who most consequentially resisted Bacon’s strange doctrines. Yet a division persisted. Whereas the interior counties firmly rejected Bacon’s Hobbism in favor of the colony’s more traditional bonds to God and king, the frontier counties remained more open to a Hobbesian politics that promised their protection.

Author(s):  
Alexander B. Haskell

This chapter traces the end of Renaissance-era colonization in the tensions between Thomas Hobbes's new theory of state sovereignty and the more-traditional Christian humanism of Sir William Berkeley. As Virginia’s governor for more than a quarter century, Berkeley applied an establishmentarian approach to governance that he had first developed, in the 1630s, in the theological-philosophical coterie known as the Great Tew circle. Adopting a Pyrrhonian skeptical view of God's truths as accessible only in the mundane civil achievements of humans, Great Tew members like Berkeley's friend Edward Hyde, later first earl of Clarendon, exalted established laws and institutions as the only true guide to following God's will. Eschewing both the godly assurance of the Puritans and the extreme skepticism of Hobbes, Berkeley sought to steer Virginia through an era marked by the English Civil War, the Restoration of monarchy under Charles II, and new Hobbesian initiatives to realize a unitary state that centered on England and whose colonies were meant to be provinces rather than commonwealths. When, in 1676–1677, Nathaniel Bacon, Jr., launched his own Presbyterian Hobbist challenge to Berkeley's authority in Bacon's Rebellion, planters themselves ultimately rejected Hobbism in favor of the colony's familiar commonwealth bonds to king and God.


Author(s):  
Viriato Soromenho-Marques ◽  

The common ground and dissimilarities in the reciprocal influence between two apparently identical concepts in the Contemporary western political tradition - freedom and liberty - are dealt in this paper. The author tries to tackle the interrelated genealogy both of freedom and liberty categories, in the long period opened by the English Civil War and closed by the conflicting reactions to the French Revolution. The sovereignty concept on the other hand allows the reader to understand the ongoing dynamic of the crucial philosophical relationship of these two central concepts.


Author(s):  
W. B. Patterson

Fuller’s Church-History reflects his own experiences of revolution. Its last part is one of the earliest accounts of the Civil War era, antedating accounts by Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, and Thomas Hobbes. He begins with divisions in the English Church during Queen Elizabeth’s reign and proceeds with events in his own lifetime, especially in the reign of Charles I. He sees the Caroline political and ecclesiastical regime, especially the role of Archbishop Laud, as having alienated many nonconformists, as well as provoking the Scots to attack. The trial and execution of King Charles following the defeat of the royalist cause is somber. The Church-History cites reasons for the regime’s failure that have often been overlooked. Responses to the work by Peter Heylyn were followed by Fuller’s detailed, anguished, and determined reply. Fuller’s contemporary analysis of one the great upheavals in British history is a striking account of what happened and why.


2008 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Dungey

AbstractThomas Hobbes sought a reconstruction of philosophy, ethics, and politics that would end, once and for all, the bitter disputes that led to the English Civil War. This reconstruction begins with the first principles of matter and motion and extends to a unique account of consent and political obligation. Hobbes intended to produce a unified philosophical system linking his materialist account of human nature to his moral and political theory. However, his materialism gives rise to a set of perceptions, imagination, and desires that contribute to the chaos of the state of nature. The sort of person that emerges from Hobbes's materialist anthropology is unlikely to be able to make the necessary agreements about common meaning and language that constitute the ground of the social contract. Therefore, Hobbes's materialism frustrates the very purpose for which it is conceived.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
William G. Palmer

Since the publication of J.H. Hexter's Reign of King Pym in 1941 the idea of a middle group has been a lynchpin of English Civil War historiography. Before Hexter historians believed that with the coming of the Civil War members of Parliament split into two factions, the war party and the peace party. Hexter, however, demolished this crude dualism by demonstrating the existence of a middle party in the early days of the Long Parliament, a group of hybrid of M.P.s who seemingly defied classification. Members such as John Glynn and John Clotworthy supported measures from both the war and peace parties.While the composition of the middle group, especially on the fringes, shifted periodically, it maintained a basic core of members and a discernible ideology. Its outlook was moderate and best expressed in the Grand Remonstance and the Nineteen Propositions. The members identified with this middle group steadfastly upheld the constitution and the monarchy, but believed that specific limitations on the monarch must be implemented to preserve the constitution.Perhaps inspired by the work of Hexter, other historians approached the Civil War era in similar fashion. Hexter believed that the middle group collapsed with Pym's death in 1643; yet Valerie Pearl has argued that it lingered oh through 1644 under the leadership of Oliver St. John. Following Pym's death, Pearl contended, St. John followed the moderate path prescribed by Pym in supporting measures from both the war and peace parties and by supporting the earl of Essex, the consensus choice for military commander.


1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Sears McGee

In recent years a great deal of scholarly energy has been expended in attempts to identify differing religious parties and movements in Elizabethan and early Stuart England. On the one hand, J.F.H. New has described the actions of Anglicans and Puritans as “teleological acts – attempts to make practice conform to preconceived philosophies.” He believes that Anglican and Puritan doctrines derived from quite different conceptions of human moral capacity, conceptions which were distinct from their sixteenth-century origins and which grew more so as time passed. On the other hand, Charles and Katherine George have insisted that we can at best talk about minor differences of emphasis and of degree within a doctrinally unified “English Protestant mind” before 1640. There were, so this thesis goes, no really significant Anglican-Puritan ideological distinctions, and therefore religious differences had nothing to do with the coming of the English Civil War. The effect of these efforts has been to make historians aware that defining the terms “Anglican” and “Puritan” is a much more difficult enterprise than used to be thought. Despite the Georges' book, the terms are still being used; but New's argument about their meaning has not gone uncriticized.It would be impossible in a short article to deal with all of the points raised in this extensive debate. The present purpose is to concentrate upon only two of many points of difference between writers traditionally identified as Anglicans and Puritans by means of their activities, attitudes, and associates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 97-144

As one of the first political thinkers of the modern era, Thomas Hobbes relied on his analysis of the Civil War in England to reach the conclusion that the sovereign should empower its delegates to implement a special educational policy designed to inculcate the nobility and lower classes with allegiance to the state. One of the main features of Hobbes’s program was that the sovereign power should oversee the institutions of knowledge to make sure they would not disseminate ideas that might subvert the authority of the sovereign. An equally important aspect of Hobbes’s educational design was the control of secular sovereignty over ecclesiastical institutions to ensure their loyalty to the sovereign. Hobbes assigns a special role to the English universities in his recommendations. In his historical treatise Behemoth or the Long Parliament, Hobbes places the lion’s share of the blame for the English Civil War on the universities, which he said “have been to this nation, as the wooden horse was to the Trojans.” That is why the new sovereign power after winning the Civil War needed to encourage civil peace by reforming the universities, which were “the core of rebellion.” Hobbes regarded the political doctrine of the secular sovereign’s unlimited power that he expounded in detail in Leviathan as the absolutely necessary foundation for reform. According to Hobbes, this educational policy was indispensable for indoctrinating citizens so that they would be loyal to the sovereign power in order to preserve peace in England.


2016 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 248-263
Author(s):  
Meirav Jones

In his autobiography, Thomas Hobbes stated that he wrote his most influential work of political theory, Leviathan, to “absolve the divine laws” in response to “atrocious crimes being attributed to the commands of God.” This article attempts to take Hobbes seriously, and to read Leviathan as a contribution to the religious politics of the English Civil War. I demonstrate Hobbes’ appropriation of the religious terms and sources characterizing civil-war political discourse, and explore these terms and sources both in Hobbes’ response to religiously motivated politics and in the foundations of his most important political ideas. Hobbes emerges from this account as a critic of Christian politics and enthusiasm broadly conceived, as a political philosopher who employed an Israelite political model, and as an erstwhile ally of some of those usually considered his deepest opponents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3 (239)) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Paulina Nortowska

The Last Months , Trial and Execution of Charles I in the Opinion of the English Press The aim of this article is to compare different points of view on phenomenon of the trial, conviction and execution of the English (and Scottish) monarch, Charles I. The newsbooks A Perfect diurnall of the passages in Parliament (paper published by Parliament) and Mercurius Pragmaticus, Communicating intelligence from all parts, touching all affaires, designes, humours, and conditions, throughout the kingdome, especially from Westminster and the head‑quartes (newspaper of supporters of King Charles I of England) were analysed and compared. The comparison was made for the years 1647–1649 with a focus on the Second English Civil War. In the case of A Perfect diurnall, the articles published between 3.06.1647 and 7.02.1649 — from the extradition of King Charles I of England to Commissioners to the King’s funeral. The other newsbook, Mercurius Pragmaticus, was published from 14.09.1947 to 1.05.1649. The main focus of this analysis is to show the differences between the two publications in their presentation of the imprisonment, trial and execution of King Charles I.


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