Digital Resources: Colonial Nahuatl in Central America

Author(s):  
Sergio Romero

Nahuatl is the Latin American indigenous language having the largest number of colonial documents. As with other colonial documents, the study of these manuscripts requires mastery of the language as well as the relevant historical and philological sources. The emergence of digital repositories in Mexico, the United States, France, and other countries has made hundreds of digital images available to scholars who would not have had access to these sources otherwise. Digital repositories also contain additional tools such as morphological parsers and dictionaries. These allow users to upload new images, transcriptions, and translations, turning digital archives into veritable platforms for scholarly exchange. The irruption of digital repositories promises to effect substantial changes in the field of Nahuatl studies.

Author(s):  
Sebastian Bitar ◽  
Tom Long

Latin America exhibits some of the world’s most worrisome patterns of insecurity. Homicide rates have reached alarming levels in dozens of cities in Mexico, Central America, Brazil, Venezuela, and Colombia. Drug and other illicit trafficking generate massive income for criminal organizations. Fighting among these organizations, and between criminal groups and the state, threatens human security in zones of production and along transit routes. Refugee crises—especially an exodus of 4 million Venezuelans by 2019—could increase substantially. Receiving countries struggle to respond. Insecurity in Latin America cannot be fully understood through comparison of the domestic challenges of each country in the region. The sources of contemporary insecurity are not contained within countries, but extend to transnational criminal networks, flows of illicit goods, and human trafficking and displacement. Likewise, isolated state responses are insufficient to respond to transnational dynamics; although some coordination has been achieved, intergovernmental responses have produced limited gains and substantial unintended consequences. Thus, we consider security challenges in the region as a “security complex” that includes Latin American and Caribbean countries, but in which the United States remains significant. On the other hand, international conflict and civil war, as traditionally defined, have almost vanished from Latin America. Threats of military coups and politically motivated violence have declined after being a key security issue for decades. However, some troubling cases and trends complicate this positive trend. Venezuela’s governing civilian–military alliance eroded basic democratic institutions and produced an economic, political, and humanitarian crisis. In response, the United States has raised the specter of military intervention or coup sponsorship. Honduras and especially Nicaragua have turned to authoritarianism, accompanied by alarming levels of repression of protesters and civil society activists. U.S. policies under the Trump administration toward migrants from Central America and Mexico are creating great tension in the region and fear of reprisals. Although most border disputes have been settled a few still are unresolved or contested and could generate tensions between countries in the region. The academic literature about international security in Latin America reflects the complex dynamics described above, covers historical and contemporary security challenges in the region, and presents debates and developments on Latin American security at the international and national levels. Despite its wide scope, the existing literature presents areas where more work is needed to account for emerging trends of (in)security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140
Author(s):  
N. Yu. Kudeyarova

Latin America is one of the high level migration activity regions. The mass migration flows are the part of the Western Hemisphere South nations history for more than a century and a half. Both the structure and direction of that flows have been significantly transformed during that period. While being the transatlantic flows recipients at the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries, the Latin American States turned into donors of human resources in the second half of the XX century due to the profound demographic transformation. The aim of this paper is to analyse the demographic transformations impact on the emigration mobility models development in Latin America and the Caribbean countries. Demographic changes were manifested in different ways in countries with a large share of European migrants and those that were not affected by mass migrations flows at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. The Central America countries and Mexico have experienced the most profound population explosion that subsequently affected the intensity of the migration movement to the United States. The paper examines the main migration directions of Latin America and the Caribbean residents, identifies two basic mobility source areas that demonstrate different strategies via different destination countries choice. While the United States has become the leading destination country for Latin American migrants, accounting for 93% of migrants from Central America and Mexico, the South American migration is mostly intraregional. The largest regional integration associations migration policies implementation reflects this difference. Spain has become a significant extra-regional migration destination for South America. At the end of the second decade of the XXI century, global economic transformations affect the migration dynamics of Latin American subregions, producing powerful migration crises and local tensions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 669-679
Author(s):  
Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios

This article, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in-depth interviews with 43 Mexican sex traffickers, analyses the strategies used by sex traffickers to recruit women from Mexico and Central America demanded by the US illegal sex industry. We conclude that trafficking is a demand-led industry. Traffickers recruit vulnerable women from Mexico and Central America who fit with US procurers’ requirements. Foreign girls smuggled into the United States should be young (in many cases underage girls), beautiful, slim and healthy. Mexican sex traffickers’ job is to entice with salaries in US dollars impoverished Latin American girls who do not want to migrate or enter prostitution. Maintaining trafficked women captive against their will is more time consuming and less profitable than wining women’s will with a salary


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S455-S456
Author(s):  
Maya Ramanathan ◽  
Leopoldo Cordova ◽  
Jovanna Bertran-Lopez ◽  
Paola Lichtenberger ◽  
Paola Lichtenberger

Abstract Background Neurocysticercosis (NCC) is a parasitic infection that results from the ingestion of eggs from the adult tapeworm Taenia solium that develops when cysticercoids migrate into the central nervous system. In addition, this infection has been found to affect over 50 million individuals worldwide. In the United States, NCC mainly affects immigrants from Latin America, where the disease is endemic with seroprevalence rates ranging from 5% to 11%. Most data regarding NCC in the United States comes from hospital reports from California and Texas. We are undertaking this study to determine the differences seen in a higher Latin American and Haitian population compared to a previously seen predominantly Mexican population. In this retrospective review, we characterized the population diagnosed with NCC at one large tertiary medical center in South Florida, University of Miami Hospital. Methods This retrospective chart review included adult patients from January 2009 to December 2019 with the admission or discharge diagnosis of neurocysticercosis (ICD 10 Code B 69.0 Neurocysticercosis and CPT code 86682 Cysticercosis). We extracted data on demographics, clinical symptoms, recurrence, treatment, resolution and follow up. Results Forty-seven patients were analyzed to completion. Most of the cases were seen in Hispanics 72.3 % and from Central America 40.4%. The most common symptom was headache 53.2% followed by seizures 42.6%. Normal physical exam was noted in 93.6% of the cases. Most of the cases have 1-10 lesions (98%), located in the brain parenchyma (75%). Serum serology, CSF antibody or stool studies were not obtained in around 90% of the cases. Treatment was indicated in 70.2% of cases and recurrence was low at 17.0%. Refer to Tables 1-5 for full results. Figure 1. Demographics and Clinical Symptoms Figure 2. History and Imaging Figure 3. Laboratory Evidence and Follow up Conclusion NCC is a neglected tropical disease which is preventable. Our study noted that the majority of the affected population were immigrants that had been in the US for more than 10 years and came from central America and the Caribbean. With appropriate treatment, most of the symptoms and CNS lesions resolved, with a low mortality. Public health efforts to identify and treat the tapeworm carrier could be improved to allow for public health follow-up of cases. Although not yet considered endemic in Florida, we hope to bring awareness in this state. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.


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