Policing and Situational Crime Prevention

Author(s):  
Gottfredson &

Control theory doubts a significant effect for criminal sanctions, including policing and imprisonment, on the crime rate. Contemporary research supports that view, especially with respect to variation in severity of sanctions. This chapter reviews historical and recent claims about effects for policing, especially highly selective policing of high-crime-rate areas (hot spot and focused deterrence policing). Saturation policing is not inconsistent with the expectations of control theory, although the evidence of effectiveness is modest, and the research on collateral consequences is not encouraging for highly selective policing. It is noted that selective policing is a variant of situational crime prevention, which does have a considerable body of research support. Control theory predicts the lack of effects for general policing and the collateral negative consequences for selective policing, along with generally positive effects for situational crime prevention and a focus on early childhood undertaken by non-state entities, thus supporting alternative methods to prevent crime.

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Swikar Lama ◽  
Sikandar Singh Rathore

AbstractThis study is based on crime mapping and crime analysis of property crimes in Jodhpur. The property crimes which were selected were house breaking, auto thefts and chain snatching. Data from police stations were used to generate the maps to locate hot spots of crimes. The profile of these hot spots was analyzed through observations supplemented with interviews of police officers and public 100 cases of house breaking and 100 cases of auto thefts were further analyzed to understand the contexts which lead to these crimes. These contexts are in consonance with situational crime prevention theories. This study may help to understand the environmental factors which may be responsible for certain places becoming hot spot areas of property crimes in Jodhpur.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143-1167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cody W. Telep ◽  
Julie Hibdon

Hot spots policing, in which police resources are directed toward small geographic areas with high crime levels, has been widely implemented and evaluated, but less is known about the effectiveness of nonpolice efforts to address high–crime locations. Here, we examine the effectiveness of two hot spot interventions led by a community–based nonprofit organization in Seattle, Washington. We use interrupted time series analysis to assess changes in total calls, as well as drug and disorder events at each site and in catchment areas surrounding each site. We find evidence of significant postintervention declines in calls for one treatment site and a decline in disorder in the second site. Overall, the results provide initial evidence that community–led crime prevention efforts can have a positive impact on calls in crime and disorder hot spots without significant spatial displacement of crime and disorder. Furthermore, these approaches may be an optimal response to residential hot spots in particular, given current concerns about community reactions to intensive police approaches focused primarily on enforcement.


Criminology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Ransley

The major premise of third party policing is that police on their own cannot succeed in reducing many crime and disorder problems. Instead, they need to draw on the social control mechanisms held by other government and community actors. Third party policing occurs when police leverage the powers or legal levers held by those other actors or partners to help control or reduce crime or disorder. The move for police to work through partners has accelerated due to trends in governance, the increasing scope of government regulation, and the expectation that communities will help co-produce public safety. At a time when many police agencies face budget restrictions, encouraging others to assume some crime control responsibility becomes especially important. These trends have expanded how crime can be regulated and prevented in ways that do not rest only on traditional criminal law or justice processes. Typical police partners include regulators, businesses, property owners, and schools. Legal levers include property or fire codes, liquor regulation, rental contracts, and school suspension or discipline powers. Police seek to activate or escalate their partners’ use of these non-criminal powers, either cooperatively or coercively, so as to extend the range of policing influence over problem places, people, or situations. Therefore, third party policing is both proactive, in that it is focused on addressing and reducing the causes of crime and disorder, and problem-oriented, in that it seeks to do so by analyzing and resolving recurrent, underlying problems. The focus on places, people, and situations also aligns with situational crime prevention techniques, such as hots spots policing and focused deterrence. But third party policing is differentiated from these other approaches through its reliance on the legal levers of partners. The first section in this entry outlines how third party policing has developed over the past twenty years. There are also sections on the role and use of regulation in policing, the contribution of civil remedies to crime prevention, descriptions of the multiple contexts in which third party policing has been adopted, factors that promote successful partnerships, assessments of outcomes and effectiveness, and issues to do with ethics and accountability.


Criminology ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tammy Kochel ◽  
Seyvan Nouri

Since the 1980s, the nature of policing has expanded beyond a person-focused approach to include a location-based approach. Recently developed proactive policing strategies that are concerned with the geographic distribution and explanation of crime include hot spots policing and community policing, and oftentimes problem-oriented policing, broken windows policing, third-party policing, and focused deterrence strategies. Hot spots policing entails focusing police efforts at crime prevention in a very small geographic area where crime concentrates. This strategy is one of only a few policing strategies grounded in both theory and research. Crime concentrates at places even more than it concentrates in people. Research in Minneapolis, Minnesota, in the 1980s demonstrated that 60 percent of the crime occurs at 6 percent of places (see Sherman, et al. 1989, cited under Theory and Basis of Hot Spots Policing). Place-based theories about routine activities and rational choice have led to deterrence-based strategies such as directed patrol, crackdowns, and other traditional approaches to hot spots policing, as well as more community-oriented, problem-solving, and situational crime prevention approaches at crime hot spots. Hot spots policing is one of few areas in criminal justice research that has been tested using randomized controlled trials, a gold standard for research. Several systematic reviews suggest that focusing police efforts in a small geographic area reduces crime. Furthermore, research on displacement and diffusion of benefits suggests that hot spots policing does not merely geographically displace crime. In fact, nearby places may experience a diffusion of crime benefits. Only a few studies have examined the noncrime impacts of hot spots policing, but these suggest that it does not harm public perceptions of police and may even promote informal social control. Cost-effectiveness analyses have been partially used to assess the relative costs and outcomes of hot spot policing interventions. Additionally, existing research has suggested the crime harm index (CHI) for assessing the crime impact of hot spot policing interventions. Several data sources are available from past National Institute of Justice–funded studies on hot spots of crime and hot spots policing.


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