Delta Democracy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. Herrold
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Just Society ◽  
Democracy Building

For decades, the United States has funded democracy promotion programs in the Middle East to little avail. Delta Democracy: Pathways to Incremental Civic Revolution in Egypt and Beyond argues that there is another way forward for US democracy aid. Drawing upon the author’s ethnographic research on Egypt’s nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the wake of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Delta Democracy uncovers the strategies that local NGOs used to incrementally build a more democratic and just society. As it takes the reader inside the walls of Egypt’s NGOs, the book illuminates local activists’ perspectives on democracy in Egypt and reveals how savvy organizations promoted it as they navigated rapidly evolving opportunities and constraints in the years following the uprisings. Departing from US democracy brokers’ heavy-handed attempts to reform national political institutions, local organizations worked with grassroots communities to build a culture of democracy through public discussion and debate, free expression, and rights claiming. By weaving this democracy building work into public-facing economic development projects, Egypt’s NGOs managed to persevere through years of government crackdowns on civil society. Taking lessons learned from the Egyptian case, Delta Democracy advances our scholarly understanding of how civil society organizations maneuver state repression to combat political authoritarianism. It also offers a concrete set of recommendations on how US policymakers can restructure foreign aid to better connect with global contemporary civic revolutions for democracy.

Variance in Global Response to HIV/AIDS between the United States and Japan: Perception, Media, and Civil Society

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 514-535
Author(s):  
YOUNG SOO KIM ◽  
JOONGBUM SHIN
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Norms ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Media ◽  
Aid Policy ◽  
Hiv Aids

AbstractThe US and Japan, despite their shared reputation as leading donors for international development, remarkably varied in their foreign aid policy for HIV/AIDS in the 1980s and 1990s. Unlike the US, who initiated and increased global AIDS funding dramatically, Japan was lukewarm in its contributions. I claim that the distinctive pattern depends on how the pandemic was domestically framed and understood. The policy commitment was more likely when the internationally shared idea (international norms) of threats requiring immediate international cooperation was congruent with the domestic perception of the epidemic. The research undertakes a comparative examination of the determinants of the distinctive domestic perceptions of the two cases, including the number of individuals infected with HIV, the attitude and role of the media, and the civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS. They played significant roles as intervening variables that conditioned domestic diffusion or internalization of the international norms for foreign aid policy development. The US had a favorable domestic condition based upon the relatively large number of those infected with HIV, a media that adopted a constructive approach, and active civil society organizations associated with the disease. In contrast, in Japan the number of HIV cases was lower, the media had a distorted view of the epidemic, and civil society organizations were not strong enough to offer much support until the early 1990s.

The elimination of violence and terrorism in Iraq strategy

2019 ◽  
pp. 375
Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
The Media ◽  
Causes Of Crime ◽  
Religious Aspect

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Assessing Variation in Civil Society Organizations

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (9) ◽  
pp. 1240-1265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Read
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Real Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
High Expectations ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Grassroots Groups ◽  
Collective Action Problems ◽  
Power Comparisons

Theories of civil society set high expectations for grassroots associations, claiming that they school citizens in democracy and constrain powerful institutions. But when do real-life organizations actually live up to this billing? Homeowner organizations in the United States and elsewhere have sparked debate among political scientists, criticized by some as nonparticipatory and harmful to the overall polity and defended by others as benign manifestations of local self-governance. With this as a backdrop, China's emerging homeowner groups are used as a testing ground for exploring variation in three criteria of performance: self-organization, participation, and the exercising of power. Comparisons are drawn cross-nationally, among 23 cases in four Chinese cities and over time within neighborhoods. The article puts forward several factors affecting the properties of grassroots groups, highlighting the role of conflict, the political—legal environment, and collective action problems in shaping the way they engage their members and take political action.

Institutional Ecosystems of Housing Support in Chinese, Southeast Asian, and African Philadelphia

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Domenic Vitiello ◽  
Arthur Acolin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Support Systems ◽  
Housing Markets ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Systems Planning ◽  
Support Strategies ◽  
History Of

How has the diversity of post-1965 immigration to the United States influenced newcomers’ housing experiences and civil society’s housing support systems? Planning scholars have shown immigration’s role in revitalizing cities and housing markets, but we have done less to parse the variety of housing problems that immigrants experience and the ways civil society addresses them. This article examines the recent history of civil society organizations’ housing support strategies in Chinese, Southeast Asian, and African communities in Philadelphia. We find that the diversity within and between groups has shaped largely distinct “institutional ecosystems” and approaches to housing support.

scholarly journals LEGAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL PRINCIPLES OF PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION IN THE FIELD OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF UKRAINE

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (51) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Sakhan ◽  
Yaroslav Morozov
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Modern Development ◽  
Organizational Principles

Problem setting. Increased corruption at all levels of government has led to a significant minimization of the efficiency and performance of the entire system of political institutions, negatively affected the socio-economic well-being of the population, hampered the foundations of democracy, rule of law and civil society, created a real threat to Ukraine's national security. Therefore, the problem of preventing and combating corruption in the field of public administration is relevant and needs to be addressed immediately. Recent research and publications analysis on the prevention and combating of corruption in public authorities and local government shows a significant interest of scientists (N. Armash, K. Babenko, Y. Bisaga, A. Horowitz, K. Dubich, L. Campbell, I. Kerusauskaite, M. Kornienko, V. Tertyshnyk, S. Lazarenko, N. Lord, M. Melnyk, F. Mendes, A. Novak, S. Rose-Ackerman, I. Skobina, A. Stevanovich, V. Trepak, J.  E. Foster, I. Shvydkyi and many others) to improve mechanisms to combat corruption in Ukraine. However, despite numerous studies and effective proposals to overcome this destructive phenomenon in the public sector, this problem remains unresolved. Goal setting. The purpose of this article is to find effective legal and organizational tools to combat corruption in public administration in the conditions of the modern development of the Ukrainian state. Paper main body. During the years of independence, corruption has taken root at all levels of government and in many spheres of society, which was facilitated by political, economic, socio-psychological, organizational and managerial reasons. In addition, numerous forms of corruption were institutionalized into informal destructive institutions (nepotism, cronyism, patrimonialism, clientelism, favoritism, etc.), which led to the establishment of clan governance practices and leveling any prospects for state development. Based on the analysis of legal and organizational principles of preventing corruption in public authorities and local self-government, the authors propose a number of effective tools to combat corruption in the sphere of public administration, including, for example, high-ranking officials’ reports on their wealth and income through e-declarations, the institution of whistleblowers, control by anti-corruption bodies and public organizations over the wealth of those in power, the integrity of civil servants, anti-corruption activities of the media and anti-corruption education. Conclusions of the research. In order to optimize the current anti-corruption mechanisms, we consider it appropriate to take into account such factors as comprehensive rule of law and improvement of anti-corruption norms in order to prevent gaps and avoidance of legal liability for corruption, ensuring transparency of all management processes as well as transparent use and disposal of budget funds, adherence to the principles of openness and accessibility of information on the activities of public authorities and local self-government and ensuring effective interaction between public authorities and civil society organizations, a fair justice system, independent media and an active civil society.

Diasporas and the Transnationalization of African Politics

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrence Lyons
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Complete Analysis ◽  
African Politics ◽  
New Host ◽  
River Region ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
At Home

Political outcomes in Africa are increasingly shaped by ideas, actors, and processes that are transnational in character. Diasporas and transnational communities living in new host countries but still connected to homelands provide resources, leadership, and other forms of support that shape political outcomes in the country of origin. African politics take place in these transnational spaces, less restricted by the need to be close geographically. From civil war in Burundi and Somalia, electoral outcomes in Liberia, Ghana, and Kenya, and civil society initiatives in Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo, actors and processes that are globally distributed and linked through transnational networks are increasingly at the center of African politics. Much of the literature on diasporas emphasizes cultural links or specific forms of identity whereby residents at a distance remain deeply connected with their kin back home in a form of “long-distance nationalism.” From the perspective of seeking an understanding of the transnationalization of African politics, however, it is more useful to see diasporas as the outcomes of processes of political mobilization, constituencies activated by political entrepreneurs to advance specific political agendas. Leaders invest in creating and sustaining diasporas because these networks are strategic assets that allow them to deploy specific identity frames and categories, to make claims for resources and loyalty, and to engage in diverse activities in dispersed locations to maximize impact. In many cases African governments wish to engage with diasporas in order to encourage remittances and investments in the homeland. Many have created special directorates for diaspora affairs and some have considered different forms of dual citizenship or overseas voting in order to build these linkages. Diasporas play important roles in lobbying new host governments to either increase pressures on homeland regimes or to increase donor support. In addition, politically mobilized populations in the diaspora often play key roles as sources of financial support for opposition political parties and through diaspora media that can shape the nature of political debates. Liberian and Ethiopian politicians often campaign and fundraise in the United States. In authoritarian settings such as Zimbabwe and Togo, the closing of political space at home makes the diaspora even more important as a means to fill the vacuum. Civil wars always have transnational dimensions as both rebels and incumbent regimes reach beyond their borders for political support and resources. Whether it is African National Congress’s (ANC’s) de facto embassies during apartheid, diaspora support for the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, refugee recruits to rebel movements in the Mano River region of West Africa, or exiled politicians attempting to stage-manage peace talks in Darfur from Paris, the contentious politics of armed conflict is rarely contained by borders. Extended civil wars and political crises that generate substantial refugee flows, particularly to Europe and North America, have created cases where transnational politics is most pronounced. “Conflict-generated diasporas” may be more categorical in their political positions and therefore limit options for homeland politicians dependent on the diaspora’s support. A complete analysis of African politics therefore requires consideration of how transnational mobilization can shape outcomes. Political actors on the continent, whether they are governments, opposition parties, civil society organizations, or rebels, recognize that linking their goals to the resources and ideas based in diasporas provides advantages in their struggles at home. Increasingly, scholars have recognized that understanding political processes and outcomes in Nigeria, Cameroon, or Zimbabwe entails consideration of transnational dimensions. This seems to be even more the case in countries that have experienced conflict, such as Liberia, Somalia, or Eritrea.

scholarly journals Working Together: Building Successful Policy and Program Partnerships for Immigrant Integration

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Els de Graauw ◽  
Irene Bloemraad
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Professional Training ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Public Private Partnerships ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Community Based

Supporting and investing in the integration of immigrants and their children is critically important to US society. Successful integration contributes to the nation's economic vitality, its civic and political health, and its cultural diversity. But although the United States has a good track record on immigrant integration, outcomes could be better. A national, coherent immigrant integration policy infrastructure is needed. This infrastructure can build on long-standing partnerships between civil society and US public institutions. Such partnerships, advanced under Republican- and Democratic-led administrations, were initially established to facilitate European immigrants' integration in large American cities, and later extended to help refugees fleeing religious persecution and war. In the twenty-first century, we must expand this foundation by drawing on the growing activism by cities and states, new civil society initiatives, and public-private partnerships that span the country. A robust national integration policy infrastructure must be vertically integrated to include different levels of government and horizontally applied across public and private sector actors and different types of immigrant destinations. The resultant policy should leverage public-private partnerships, drawing on the energy, ideas, and work of community-based nonprofit organizations as well as the leadership and support of philanthropy, business, education, faith-based, and other institutions. A new coordinating office to facilitate interagency cooperation is needed in the executive branch; the mandate and programs of the Office of Refugee Resettlement need to be secured and where possible expanded; the outreach and coordinating role of the Office of Citizenship needs to be extended, including through a more robust grant program to community-based organizations; and Congress needs to develop legislation and appropriate funding for a comprehensive integration policy addressed to all, and not just humanitarian immigrants. The federal investments in immigrant and refugee integration we propose are a big ask for any administration; they seem especially unlikely under the Trump administration, whose efforts focus on enforcement and border control, targeting undocumented and legal immigrants alike. Yet immigrant integration is not and should not be a partisan issue. Federal politicians across the political spectrum need to realize, as many local officials and a large segment of the public already do, that successful immigrant integration is a win-win for everybody. When immigrants have more opportunities to learn English, to improve their schooling and professional training, to start businesses, and to access citizenship, we all benefit. A majority of the American public supports immigrant integration, from proposals for learning English to a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. Local and state governments are setting up initiatives to promote integration. If the federal government will not act, cities, states, and civil society organizations must continue to work together to build an integration infrastructure from the bottom up.

Why are “we” called “them”?: Storytelling and the contested terrain of post-conflict public formation

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-324
Author(s):  
David J Marshall ◽  
Lynn A Staeheli ◽  
Vanja Čelebičić
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Ethical Commitment ◽  
Post Conflict

Efforts to repair wounded social relations and rebuild political institutions typically target young people, who are viewed with a mix of hope and anxiety as the future leaders of the country. Efforts undertaken by civil society organizations, and funded by international donors, emphasize dialogue and tolerance through civic engagement. Dialogue, tolerance, and engagement aim at inclusive forms of peaceful community building and public togetherness, yet notions of what constitutes the political community are inherently contested. Moreover, tolerance efforts targeting youth often combine face-to-face forms of dialogue with the use of digital media aiming at broader public engagement, potentially introducing further anxiety over fraught forms of community and public-ness. This paper discusses a digital story/community mapping project conducted with two youth-led civil society organizations in Sarajevo/East Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the youth organizations share an ethical commitment to dialogue promotion, the dialogue produced through this creative collaboration was fraught with conflicting views of how to commemorate past violence and different definitions of what constitutes community.

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