Family Affairs, Part II

Author(s):  
Mark Burford

In Chicago, the resourceful Jackson established a livelihood on the South Side, initiated a lifelong involvement in political causes, and generated local buzz as a church singer. In the 1930s and 1940s, she also furthered her career through the pioneering Chicago organizers who founded the National Convention of Gospel Choirs and Choruses (NCGCC) and through the National Baptist Convention (NBC), the largest aggregation of black Christians in the United States. Founded by gospel songwriter Thomas A. Dorsey along with Magnolia Lewis Butts and Theodore Frye, the NCGCC set up the infrastructure for the modern gospel movement while growing Dorsey’s fame. Even more significant was Jackson’s exposure to black Baptists nationwide through the musical activities of the NBC, overseen by Lucie Campbell. Though she gained visibility through these two institutions, over time Jackson built a reputation increasingly independent of both.

Author(s):  
Earl J. Hess

Winfield Scott Featherston's Brigade of William W. Loring's Division, in Alexander p. Stewart's Army of Mississippi, attacked to the left of Hardee. Opposing Featherston was William T. Ward's division of the Twentieth Corps. Because of Hooker's lackadaisical attitude, Ward was not yet in position on the high ground south of Peach Tree Creek. Taken by surprise, Ward's brigade commanders reacted quickly and led their men in a desperate counter charge up the steep bluffs bordering the south side of the creek, met Featherston's men part way up, and pushed them all the way up the slope. The result was an impressive victory for the men of Ward's division. They established and fortified their line on top of the bluff in line with Newton's division to the left and Geary's division to the right. It is true that Ward's three brigades heavily outnumbered Featherston's lone brigade. Moreover, about one-third (820 out of 1,230) of Featherston's men merely stopped on top of the bluff and failed to move down the slope to engage the 4,000 Federals in Ward's three brigades which were led by John Coburn, Benjamin Harrison (a future president of the United States), and James Wood, Jr.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-68
Author(s):  
Tom Henderson Wells

Few Americans realize that the United States is involved in a longstanding and friendly but apparently unresolvable controversy with Honduras over three tiny islands ninety-six miles off the coast of that country. This group, known collectively as the Swan Islands, consists of Great Swan Island, one and two-thirds miles long and a half-mile wide; Little Swan Island, a mile and a half long and a half-mile wide; and Booby Cay, a neighboring reef. Great Swan Island rises to a height of sixty feet on the south side and has plantings of the beautiful coconut palms which give such islands a lovely, romantic appearance. The smaller island is closely matted with vegetation.


1851 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 296-298

These letters were dated in August 1846 and September 1847. Earl Cathcart intended himself to have read them to the Society, but, having been prevented by his official duties from coming to Edinburgh, had sent them, to be communicated in his name.In the first letter, the author, who had been sent to examine the geology of Canada, describes a visit which he made, on his way to Fort-William, Lake Superior, to the silver and copper mines on the south side of the lake, in the territory of the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 499-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa M. Bigal, BA ◽  
Kristen Bibeau, PhD ◽  
Stephanie Dumbar, PhD

Background: As determinants of the opioid epidemic are several, describing patterns of opioid prescription over time is of importance.Objective: To characterize the prescribing patterns of opioids per US region and physician specialty from 2012 to 2015.Methods: Truven Health Analytics MarketScan® Databases were used to obtain data on opioid prescription rates per US region and physician specialty for the years 2012-2015. Opioids included in the study are tramadol, hydrocodone, codeine, oxycodone, oxymorphone, methadone, and fentanyl.Results: Starting sample consisted of 5,860,096 individuals. An increase in prescriptions was seen for codeine (22.3 percent), oxycodone (22.4 percent), and tramadol (22.4 percent), while other opioids had decreases between 6.5 and 20.2 percent during this period. Family medicine physicians were the most frequent prescriber for all opioids except for oxycodone; nonphysician prescribers’ share of prescriptions nearly doubled for all opioids. The share of oxycodone and of tramadol among all opioids increased in all regions, while the opposite was seen for hydrocodone. Codeine prescription share increased substantially in the South but not in other regions. When comparing the period of 2012-2015, differences were significant for all regions (p 0.0001 for all regions). In 2015, the rate of prescription of oxycodone was nearly twofold higher in the Northeast vs North Central (38 percent vs 18.5 percent, p 0.0001), while tramadol was substantially more frequently prescribed in the South, where it responded to nearly 20 percent of all opioid prescriptions (p 0.0001).Conclusion: Patterns of prescription per opioid vary considerably per physician specialty and per US region. Although an overall decrease in prescriptions was seen, certain opioids were more frequently prescribed in 2015 than in 2012.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen A. Fitzner ◽  
Charlie Bennett ◽  
June McKoy ◽  
Cara Tigue

Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Rehana Cassim

Abstract Section 162 of the South African Companies Act 71 of 2008 empowers courts to declare directors delinquent and hence to disqualify them from office. This article compares the judicial disqualification of directors under this section with the equivalent provisions in the United Kingdom, Australia and the United States of America, which have all influenced the South African act. The article compares the classes of persons who have locus standi to apply to court to disqualify a director from holding office, as well as the grounds for the judicial disqualification of a director, the duration of the disqualification, the application of a prescription period and the discretion conferred on courts to disqualify directors from office. It contends that, in empowering courts to disqualify directors from holding office, section 162 of the South African Companies Act goes too far in certain respects.


2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin C. Pereira ◽  
Kristin M. Shaw ◽  
Paula M. Snippes Vagnone ◽  
Jane E. Harper ◽  
Alexander J. Kallen ◽  
...  

Carbapenem-resistant Enterobacteriaceae (CRE) are a growing problem in the United States. We explored the feasibility of active laboratory-based surveillance of CRE in a metropolitan area not previously considered to be an area of CRE endemicity. We provide a framework to address CRE surveillance and to monitor changes in the incidence of CRE infection over time.


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