Reconstructing Europe’s Economy

Author(s):  
Matthew A. Shadle

After the Second World War, Western Europeans had to rebuild their nations’ economies. This chapter describes the varieties of capitalism they adopted: social democratic, organicist, and social market. The chapter looks at how these economies differed in terms of property rights, government planning, labor relations, and social welfare. It illustrates a key insight of institutional economics: that there are a variety of capitalisms dependent on different institutional arrangements. The chapter also looks at important social changes, such as the increasing affluence of European society and the early stages of European integration. All these developments set the stage for postwar Catholic thinking about the economy.

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
PERTTI AHONEN

This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 21-44
Author(s):  
Paul Thompson ◽  
Ken Plummer ◽  
Neli Demireva

This chapter traces the engine of the pioneers' success and discusses their earlier lives, hinting or reflecting on how these experiences may have shaped their research. It begins by analyzing how the pioneers' were influenced by the communities where they grew up. Looking at the pioneers' families as a whole, even though this generation for which unprecedented university expansion brought rare opportunities for upward mobility, the chapter examines the pioneers' working-class families and old Oxbridge intellectual aristocracy. It notes that some of the key factors which brought them opportunities were due to national social changes and international events. The chapter also looks at how the older generation generally benefitted from Second World War experiences that took them out of their social-class cocoon. The chapter then discusses the pioneers who chose to explore other cultures rather than to research their own communities. It emphasizes social class injustice, racism, and gender injustice.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-284
Author(s):  
Ken Hirschkop

The conclusion examines the situation after the Second World War. It shows how the linguistic turn in analytic philosophy ended and how the social democratic settlement in Western Europe gave birth to the new linguistic turns known as structuralism. The author explores the former by examining the career of Richard Rorty and the latter by looking at how Roland Barthes combines ideas from Saussure with a project for a radical analysis of French everyday life in the Mythologies. The book concludes with a review of how the various linguistic turns overinvested in the idea of language.


Quaerendo ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 256-283
Author(s):  
Frederike Doppenberg

AbstractDuring the Second World War the social-democratic publisher De Arbeiderspers [The Workers’ Press] was transferred into National Socialist hands. The National Socialists wanted to transform the party press of the SDAP, the social democratic party of the Netherlands, into a National Socialist platform. The publisher, however, had a secure circle of socialist customers whom the new management did not want to deter. This article is a study, based on a reconstruction of the list of publications during the period ’40 -’45, of how the National Socialist managers attempted to change the ideological foundation of De Arbeiderspers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 864-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Hickson ◽  
Jasper Miles

The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks to restore that tradition and concludes that it is built on a clear conceptualisation of social democratic ideology.


Author(s):  
Christopher Lloyd ◽  
Tim Battin

The characterization of Australia as a wage-earners’ welfare state (Frank Castles) has encouraged some scholars to argue that the Australian model remained necessarily labourist and incapable of developing in a social democratic direction. This chapter shows that World War I had a far-reaching effect on the scale of Australia’s welfare state, and that World War II profoundly changed both its scale and structure in a more social democratic direction. Australia’s federal system and its written constitution have constrained centralist and socialist initiatives, particularly desired by the Australian Labor Party. When Labor returned to power in October 1941, Australia was in its second world war, and Japan’s aggression was only months away. World War II presented Labor with the constitutional and political scope to change the foundations and reach of the welfare state to the extent no other event is likely to have afforded.


Author(s):  
Jack Jacobs ◽  
Gertrud Pickhan

The General Jewish Workers’ Bund, founded illegally, in Vilna, in 1897, ultimately became a significant political movement among Jews living in the tsarist empire. The Bund played a major role in organizing the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party, created self-defense groups to combat antisemitic violence, and was heavily involved in combating tsarism. It was characterized by its sympathy for Marxism, its advocacy of national cultural autonomy for Russian Jewry, and its critique of Zionism. The Bund opposed Lenin’s ideas on party organization from the beginning of the 20th century onward. This opposition presaged the bitter disagreements between leading Bundists on the one hand and the Bolshevik Party on the other following the overthrow of the Provisional Revolutionary government in October 1917. But the Bund ultimately split over its relationship to Bolshevism into two, opposing, organizations—the Kombund (eventually absorbed into the Communist Party) and the Social Democratic Bund (which was later hounded out of the Soviet Union). In the Second Polish Republic, the Bund succeeded in attracting considerable support, despite obstacles, in many major cities (and in specific, smaller, communities with significant Jewish populations). It published numerous periodicals, organized trade unions, fostered a constellation of organizations devoted to children, youth, women, physical education, and education, supported secular, Yiddish language, cultural institutions, and ran electoral campaigns. By the late 1930s, the Bund was regularly winning seats on municipal councils and in Jewish communal elections in important Jewish communities in Poland, including Warsaw, Lodz, Vilna, Bialystok, and Lublin. The invasion of Poland, in 1939, by both Germany and the USSR, put an end to the Bund’s heyday. In the eastern portions of what had been the Polish Republic, Bundist leaders were arrested by the Soviet secret police. Some died or were executed while being held prisoner in the USSR. In Nazi-occupied Poland, Bundists generally suffered the same fate as did the rest of the Jewish population. Many Bundists in Nazi-occupied Poland were murdered. Others died of hunger or disease. A modest number of Bundists survived the Second World War, and attempted to reestablish the Bund in postwar Poland. Once, however, Poland became a Communist state, the Polish Bund was liquidated. Bundist organizations, made up all but exclusively of emigres and refugees, operated in the decades following the end of the Second World War in many countries around the world. Few of these organizations, however, survived the passing of the immigrant generation.


Author(s):  
Bożena Szaynok ◽  
Gwido Zlatkes

This chapter explores the General Jewish Workers' Union, the Bund, which was established in Vilna in 1897. After the Bolshevik Revolution, the Bund in the USSR was forcibly united with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In independent Poland, the Bund by the 1930s moved to a less revolutionary and more social-democratic position and established itself as one of the principal parties on the ‘Jewish street’. It retained its basic programme of establishing ‘national-cultural’ autonomy for the Jews in Poland, once a democratic socialist state had been achieved. After the Second World War, it was also active in countries other than Poland. Although the activists of Bund chapters outside Poland supported the Polish Bund with funds, the Polish Bund remained fully independent in its work in Poland. The Bund in post-war Poland began its activity in the autumn of 1944. Like other parties, the Bund started its work in Poland by searching for its pre-war members and taking care of Jewish youth regardless of orientation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document