Ethnoregional Separatism in Europe: Disintegration vs. Integration?

Having been in the 2000s far from the spotlight of the news, European separatism is gradually returning to the information fi eld, which is partly due to the alerting reports from Scotland and Catalonia. The paper attempts to answer the following questions: what is the nature of the ethnoregional separatism in the EU, how does disintegrational agenda cohabit with the European integration dynamics, and what are the prospects for European separatism. The review of the theoretical framework within which ethnic and regionalist separatism exists is followed by the analysis of the empirics gained from diff erent European regions claiming independence or autonomy, such as Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders, Brittany, and many others, in 2000–2021. The author attempts to demythologize the widespread misconception about separatism as a potentially deadly threat to the EU nation-states or the European unity. The research is situated within the constructivist view towards ethnicity and the symbolic practices employed by the separatists; this paradigm is complemented by the institutional approach to the EU governing bodies and practices. The author comes to the following conclusions: currently, disintegrative projects within the EU nation-states cannot be successful, because of the position of the EU and the member states, and due to the uncertainties in the ethnic regions themselves (however, Scotland makes for an important exception, because of Brexit). Most separatist cases in the EU are either of instrumental or of a pure autonomist nature and do not enjoy any support from the integrational grouping that is not ready for the troubles the “internal extension” might cause. Moreover, if in the late 20th century, a discernible trend for decentralization and devolution was present, now the pendulum took the reversed direction, or at least remains unmoving; the author observes the trend for recentralization or at least for the freezing of the current fragile balance.

Hannah Arendt Encounters Friedrich von Gentz: On Revolution, Preservation, and European Unity

This article contextualizes Hannah Arendt's complex and sometimes contradictory views on the Prussian statesman and balance-of-power theorist Friedrich von Gentz. A narration of Arendt's encounter with Gentz, to whom she devoted considerable space in her biography of Rahel Varnhagen and about whom she wrote two additional early essays, can illuminate the elusive contours of her international political thought as they developed from her early career to mature works like The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and On Revolution (1963). I argue that a better grasp of Arendt's encounter with Gentz will shed light on the following: Arendt's complex relationship with conservatism, the early influences on her commitment to European unity and federation, and the early development of her conviction that the pathologies of the nation-state system require a revolutionary, cosmopolitan answer. Moreover, understanding this early encounter and its lasting traces will clarify why Gentz, who himself was active at the height of the “Age of Revolution,” once again became an important interlocutor for Arendt as she explored the possibility of a new age of revolutions in On Revolution.

Non si può fermare il vento con le mani – Populismo e Moralismo nella crisi del pensiero europeo

One of the distinctive features of a democratic society is the pervasive and endless public debate that regularly antagonize groups and individuals, clashing different interests and ideologies. In this competitive environment, the delegitimization of a political enemy is the more natural – and yet democratically unhealthy – way to win the confrontation between diverse ideas. Historically, one of the predilected strategies to discredit a political adversary has always been blaming its morality, thereby eroding the very root on which any consensus rests. The moral blaming is declined differently, depending on the social and cultural context of the time and therefore the dominating values. In a democratic debate, these moral allegations often relate to duplicity or spreading of misinformation, the so-called demagogy. Today, the same campaign is rolled out against some partiers accused to be “populists” for their appeal to the most illogic and instinctive popular sentiment. The definition of “populism” is though still uncertain and subject to academic debate. This article aims at presenting different definition and interpretation of this political phenomenon to better frame it in the nowadays Western politics. The concept of populism is considered in its different shapes, questioning on the one hand the consistency of the existing definition and on the other its relationship with the democratic tenet. At the end of this analysis, the focus is shifted to the European Union and the reason as to why all the populist parties are seemingly Eurosceptic. The reason provided challenges the ideas of European unity itself, underlying the contrasting directions that the experiment of integration conveys, and question the multi-layered architecture of the contemporary democracy.

Spiritual Heritage of Europe in the Light of Personalistic Universalism of Karol Wojtyla—John Paul II

The article is devoted to the philosophical and theological thought of Karol Wojtyła, i.e., John Paul II, who in his considerations gave a lot of attention to European issues, including the spiritual heritage of Europe, to European Christianity in its two varieties, i.e., Latin and Byzantine, and to the relationship between European unity and the pluralism of national cultures. We discover the proper sense of Wojtyła’s European thought by referring to his inspiration with the theology of spirituality, which was the future Pope’s first research experience. His vision of Europe is based on personalistic philosophy, thanks to which these considerations take a universal form. The key to understanding universalism is personalistic hermeneutics, owing to which we perceive the source of universality in man understood as a person. However, Wojtyła’s universalism has two faces. It is universalism in the literal sense, thanks to the personalistic perspective. In the axiological layer it also takes the form of Christian or European and in a way also Eurocentric universalism, which is related to the perception of Europe as a depositary and promoter of universal values of Christianity.

Crossing Borders and Building Walls in Right-Wing Uses of the Past

Right-wing populist, nationalist and extremist groups frequently make discursive use of the past to support their political agenda. This contribution briefly examines the use of the 1683 Siege of Vienna in political discourses. It shows how certain parts of European heritage are mobilised globally to present a singular view of European identity as white and Christian. This identity is constructed in opposition to a Muslim and migrant ‘other’. The contribution shows that this notion of European identity is used not as a call for European unity, but to serve nationalistic needs when utilised by far-right groups. Moreover, this piece calls for greater recognition of how heritages are mobilised across borders in the interests of advancing a politics of exclusion and division.

Cultural Heritage Across European Borders

Does cultural heritage create either bridges of engagement or walls of division within and beyond Europe? To capture these diverse interpretations, we provide some initial discussion on the concept of heritage and how this relates to identity, memory and the past. In order to introduce the various studies that comprise the forum, we identify a series of collective themes explored by our contributors. These are: the use of heritage sites and practices as a means of exploring questions of European unity; the idea of a decolonizing heritage alongside the reframing of contested transcultural encounters; and finally, the potential for heritage as a form of conflict resolution.

“The Meaning of War” by Vladimir Solovyov and Russian Society

The article tells about ideological premises and circumstances of appearance of the famous article The Meaning of War by Wl. Solovyev published in 1895. It states, that this article which was later included into the Wl. Solovyev’s trea­tise The Justification of Good as a special chapter, reflected not only the devel­oping conflict of the thinker with religious and ethical views of Leo Tolstoy but also the increasing alienation of Wl. Solovyev from his liberal circle. It points out the reasons by which the Wl. Solovyev’s justification of war was not adopted by Russian liberals who didn’t want to come into polemics with Tolstoy’s ideas which were popular in the populist camp. The article pays special attention to the significance of the phenomenon of intellectual class and to the factor of increas­ing of its role in society for the proper understanding of the rise of pacifism in Russian society in the 1890-s. It brings out a close connection between the so­cio-political views of Wl. Solovyev in 1890-s and the views of his father, the prominent Russian historian Sergey Solovyev, and in particular, his conception of war between the West and the East as the leitmotif of the world history. It puts forward the thesis that the main task of Wl. Solovyev as a social philosopher and public figure was the rebirth of the complex of ideas which was symptomatic for the 1840-s in Russia. That complex included a statesmanship tinged with roman­ticism, belief in the positive role of Russian empire in the history and the percep­tion of Russia as a keeper of European unity.

Imagining the Grotian Europe: Hugo Grotius’s Vision of Europe and Ideas of European Integration

The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with the construction of a theoretical framework from various ideas of the thinker and de­fines it as the Grotian theory of European integration. Based on the complex analy­sis of the Grotian concept of a community of sovereign nations and with an inter­pretive approach, the paper studies the visions of European unity in early modern and modern times. Grotius’s recommendation of “general congresses of Christian powers” had a constructive role in the configuration of the emerging European sys­tem of sovereign nation-states and for the new patterns of co-existential consensus. Hence, Grotius’s idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of na­tions is viewed within the framework of the theories of structural constructivism and intergovernmentalism of European integration.