Conceptualizing and Measuring Piety

Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

This chapter develops a new way to measure piety among Indonesian Muslims. It begins by arguing that piety is a property of individuals that is unobservable, multifaceted, and apolitical, and then draws on an original survey of Indonesians to create a new index of piety that can be used to study how piety relates to other political attitudes and beliefs. The chapter shows that piety in Indonesia is unrelated to beliefs about religion and politics. It also discusses various alternative ways to conceptualize and measure piety in the Muslim world, and shows how conventional measures of piety can be misleading.

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110602
Author(s):  
David A. Steinberg

A burgeoning literature shows that international trade and migration shocks influence individuals’ political attitudes, but relatively little is known about how international financial shocks impact public opinion. This study examines how one prevalent type of international financial shock—currency crises—shapes mass political attitudes. I argue that currency crises reduce average citizens’ support for incumbent governments. I also expect voters’ concerns about their own pocketbooks to influence their response to currency crises. Original survey data from Turkey support these arguments. Exploiting exogenous variation in the currency’s value during the survey window, I show that currency depreciations strongly reduce support for the government. This effect is stronger among individuals that are more negatively affected by depreciation, and it is moderated by individuals’ perceptions of their personal economic situation. This evidence suggests that international financial shocks can strongly influence the opinions of average voters, and it provides further support for pocketbook theories.


2012 ◽  
pp. 133-156
Author(s):  
Pippa Norris ◽  
Ronald Inglehart

2010 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 122-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ephraim Yuchtman-Ya’ar ◽  
Yasmin Alkalay

1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-101
Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

Adopting an issue-oriented approach toward understanding Islamic andWestern political thought, Professor Abdul Rashid Moten places these two tradition'swithin historical and contemporary contexts. Moten's book thereby providesa comparative analysis of key issues, including Islamic research methodology,Islamic law, Islamic political and social order, strategies and tactics ofvarious Islamic movements, and the link between Islam and politics.In chapter 1, Moten examines the secular domination of Muslim thought andculture, arguing that secularism was imported into the Muslim world throughthe efforts of a Westernized elite. He adds that no such secular state had everexisted in the Muslim world. This owes much to the fact that there was (is) nocommon ground between Islam and secularism (p. 7). With secularism camenationalism, liberal political institutions, and the pursuit of a capitalist economicsystem. Nationalism, Moten notes, wedged its way into the Muslim world,dividing it into new nation-states and client states (p. 12). Since independence,secularism has failed to meet the socioeconomic and political needs of Muslimsocieties. The rising tide of Islamic revivalism against secular regimes inAlgeria and Turkey demonstrates disenchantment with the shattered secularistdreams in the Muslim world (p. 16).Chapter 2 attempts to scrutinize the inherent link between Islam and politics.The pillars of Islam, Moten writes, go beyond moral and spiritual upliftment;they entail both practical and symbolic significance in all aspects of life. InIslam, ethics sets the tone for politics, and the rules of political behavior originatefrom ethical norms. Political life cannot be separated from the broaderframework of the religious and spiritual life (p. 21 ). Islamic rulers have hardly,if ever, emphasized the separation of religion and politics. Since the nineteenthcentury, Islamic modernists and revivalists have debated the nature of this separation.The reemergence of Islam in Muslim politics and societies in the lastquarter of the twentieth century has pointed to a distinct Islamic order and thereawakening of Muslim identity. Moten cites, among others, Iran and Pakistanas examples of such a renaissance (p. 30). However, he fails to examine the divisiveeffects of lslamization programs in Pakistan (under Zia al-Haqq) and othercountries such as Sudan.The comparison between Western and Islamic methods of political inquiry isthe subject of close scrutiny in chapter 3. Moten maintains that the Islamic conceptionof polity is based on profound religious-cultural grounds and that religionand polity form an organic unity (p. 37). Likewise, ethics and politics are ...


Author(s):  
Jessica T. Feezell

In today's multi-media environment, citizens receive more politically- and socially-charged messages than ever before. Yet our understanding of how media messages shape political attitudes is limited to a narrow set of sources, such as campaign ads and news coverage. Drawing on research in public opinion and political communication, this research examines a highly pervasive form of communication that often has overt political content, yet one that has been largely overlooked by scholars: music. Measured through an original survey (N = 888), findings show that music genre preferences are significant predictors of key political attitudes, even when controlling for other known influences such as demographic factors and partisanship. Additionally, findings show that the mechanism of influence is not through direct exposure to the content of the music (i.e., the lyrics), but rather through the listener's association with the genre and group-level norms.


Author(s):  
Amanda B. Clayton

This chapter illustrates an original survey of rank-and-file International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) members. It begins with a specific puzzle: though ILWU members clearly have benefited from increased international trade, the union has maintained a consistent stance opposing trade liberalization for several decades. Interviews with ILWU leaders show that the union's stance appears to be sincere, based on the belief that current international trade rules unfairly benefit multinational corporations while imposing costs on the workers and the environment in both rich and poor countries. The chapter finds that ILWU members are more likely to have strong political opinions; they are more likely to support trade restrictions; and they are more likely to engage in politics, including turning out to vote, protest, and donate to political causes.


Res Publica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-235
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet ◽  
Marc Swyngedouw ◽  
Ann Carton

The General Elections of November 24 1991 will secure a place in Belgian political history. On this 'Black Sunday' one third of the electorate changed party.  The traditional parties were heavy losers and the swing was wholly to the advantage of 'Vlaams Blok' and 'Rossem' (a party participating for the first time).  Since the election a never ending stream of explanations has appeared.  Immediately after the elections the Interuniversity Center of Political Opinion research, located at the Catholic University of Leuven, began a national survey of political attitudes and beliefs among 2,691 Flemish voters. This article explores the reasons for voting for the winning parties. Is it appropriated to speak of protest, disappointment and apathy ?The authors expect stable, traditional voting behaviour to continue to decrease in future as a result of loosening ties with the "pillars", the decline of church involvement and the process of individualisation. The article ends with some critical comments on the role of the media as a producer of explanations andlegitimations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 830-862 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Sperber ◽  
Erin Hern

AbstractSince the 1980s, Pentecostal and other born again Christian movements have become increasingly prominent in the public spheres of many sub-Saharan African states. A dearth of reliable survey data has constrained investigation of the potential influence of these religious movements on political attitudes and participation. This article analyzes original survey data from Zambia, a majority-Christian nation. These data, from a stratified random sample of 1,500 Zambians, indicate that Pentecostals do in fact share partisan preferences and report higher levels of political interest and participation than other Christians. They are less likely, however, to contact elected officials—a finding that accords with ethnographic accounts of Pentecostal pastors as political interlocutors for their politically mobilized congregations. We further contextualize and explore the external validity of our findings using cross-national survey data collected by the Pew Forum (2010,N = 9,500). We conclude by underscoring the value of further survey research on religion and politics in the region.


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