How Voters Respond to Currency Crises: Evidence From Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110602
Author(s):  
David A. Steinberg

A burgeoning literature shows that international trade and migration shocks influence individuals’ political attitudes, but relatively little is known about how international financial shocks impact public opinion. This study examines how one prevalent type of international financial shock—currency crises—shapes mass political attitudes. I argue that currency crises reduce average citizens’ support for incumbent governments. I also expect voters’ concerns about their own pocketbooks to influence their response to currency crises. Original survey data from Turkey support these arguments. Exploiting exogenous variation in the currency’s value during the survey window, I show that currency depreciations strongly reduce support for the government. This effect is stronger among individuals that are more negatively affected by depreciation, and it is moderated by individuals’ perceptions of their personal economic situation. This evidence suggests that international financial shocks can strongly influence the opinions of average voters, and it provides further support for pocketbook theories.

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (04) ◽  
pp. 112-124
Author(s):  
Wei SHAN

The political attitudes of the post-1980s generation in China are important for understanding the country’s political future. Public opinion surveys reveal the post-1980s group as the least nationalistic and more sceptical of the government than the older generations. They show little interest in politics despite their confidence of participating in public issues. In the long term, Beijing will have to face a society led by the more critical and less obedient post-1980s.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Jessica S. C. Ng

Abstract Introduction Under austerity, governments shift responsibilities for social welfare to individuals. Such responsibilization can be intertwined with pre-existing social stigmas, with sexually stigmatized individuals blamed more for health problems due to “irresponsible” sexual behavior. To understand how sexual stigma affects attitudes on government healthcare expenditures, we examine public support for government-provisioned PrEP in England at a time when media narratives cast the drug as an expensive benefit for a small, irresponsible social group and the National Health Service’s long-term sustainability was in doubt. Methods This paper uses data from an original survey (N = 738) conducted in September 2016, when public opinion should be most sensitive to sexual stigma. A survey experiment tests how the way beneficiaries of PrEP were described affected support for NHS provision of it. Contrary to expectations, we found that support was high (mean = 3.86 on a scale of 1 to 5) irrespective of language used or beneficiary group mentioned. Differences between conditions were negligible. Discussion Sexual stigma does not diminish support for government-funded PrEP, which may be due to reverence for the NHS; resistance to responsibilization generally; or just to HIV, with the public influenced by sympathy and counter-messaging. Social policy implications Having misjudged public attitudes, it may be difficult for the government to continue to justify not funding PrEP; the political rationale for contracting out its provision is unnecessary and flawed. With public opinion resilient to responsibilization narratives and sexual stigma even under austerity, welfare retrenchment may be more difficult than social policymakers presume.


Author(s):  
Amanda B. Clayton

This chapter illustrates an original survey of rank-and-file International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) members. It begins with a specific puzzle: though ILWU members clearly have benefited from increased international trade, the union has maintained a consistent stance opposing trade liberalization for several decades. Interviews with ILWU leaders show that the union's stance appears to be sincere, based on the belief that current international trade rules unfairly benefit multinational corporations while imposing costs on the workers and the environment in both rich and poor countries. The chapter finds that ILWU members are more likely to have strong political opinions; they are more likely to support trade restrictions; and they are more likely to engage in politics, including turning out to vote, protest, and donate to political causes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bianca Oehl ◽  
Lena Maria Schaffer ◽  
Thomas Bernauer

AbstractExplanatory models accounting for variation in policy choices by democratic governments usually include a demand (by the public) and a supply (by the government) component, whereas the latter component is usually better developed from a measurement viewpoint. The main reason is that public opinion surveys, the standard approach to measuring public demand, are expensive, difficult to implement simultaneously for different countries for purposes of crossnational comparison and impossible to implementex postfor purposes of longitudinal analysis if survey data for past time periods are lacking. We therefore propose a new approach to measuring public demand, focussing on political claims made by nongovernmental actors and expressed in the news. To demonstrate the feasibility and usefulness of our measure ofpublished opinion, we focus on climate policy in the time period between 1995 and 2010. When comparing the new measure of published opinion with the best available public opinion survey and internet search data, it turns out that our data can serve as a meaningful proxy for public demand.


1989 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Donley T. Studlar

ABSTRACTPrivatization is an idea that is popular among political elites throughout the advanced industrial world. In Britain, it has been the centrepiece of Margaret Thatcher's three Conservative governments, reflected in the sale of publicly-owned industries to the private sector and in the sale of council houses to their tenants. Using survey data, this article tests two models to account for privatization policy. The median voter model argues that it was a policy demanded and initiated by voters, while the elite interests model argues that it stemmed from the government and that little popular demand existed for it. The evidence confirms the elite interests model and shows that public opinion has generally accepted the status quo on the public ownership of industry. In addition, the Conservatives have made modest electoral gains from privatization. However, voters are not consistent in their views about privatizating particular industries, implying the Conservatives may lose votes with future privatization.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 827-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil T Gavin

The notion that the media’s principal role regarding public opinion is reinforcement of pre-existing attitudes – and that this idea is relative inconsequential politically – is pervasive, across many political and social science sub-disciplines, and in non-academic commentary. This article comprehensively challenges the evidential and theoretical underpinnings of this thesis, drawing on a wealth of contemporary survey data and media coverage research, across a range of issues, including climate change, Brexit, immigration, the economy and benefit fraud. It also argues that ‘reinforcement’ is an important and consequential power, and that the processes involved have significant implications for public misperception of salient political issues. It makes the case that the media create attitudinal uncertainty, and can have pervasive but subtle influences on political attitudes, particularly when there are persistent patterns of coverage across a range of media. But also that in contexts like particularly close political contests, such influences can be decidedly consequential.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy S. Rich ◽  
Andi Dahmer ◽  
Carolyn Brueggemann

PurposeThis article addresses Taiwanese public opinion on same-sex marriage, connecting it to the 2020 general election.Design/methodology/approachOriginal survey data are combined with analysis of the existing literature and 2020 election results.FindingsOriginal survey data find that nearly one in five respondents have changed their views on same-sex marriage since its legalization, with most of those who have changed their views more opposed to legalization than before. However, this shift and its related support for the Kuomintang (KMT) do not appear to have influenced election results.Social implicationsThe results suggest that positions on same-sex marriage remain somewhat in flux, while the success of the pro-legalization Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) may lead to additional LGBT rights.Originality/valueThis combines original survey data with election results to analyze the effects of same-sex marriage legalization on the election outcome.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ainė Ramonaitė

The article analyses the interviewer effect on the data of three public opinion surveys on political attitudes of the population conducted in Lithuania. The study discusses why in international comparative studies Lithuania stands out for its extremely high interviewer effect, which raises serious doubts about the reliability and suitability of the data for analysis. The article, first, reviews the reasons for the interviewer effect and the methods of its measurement and, second, presents the results of multilevel modelling. The analysis of surveys conducted by three different public opinion research agencies reveals that the interviewer effect varies significantly depending on the research agency. The hypotheses on the differences in the interviewer effect related to the nature of the questions were not confirmed, but it was found that the interviewer effect was greater on more abstract and complex questions. In the conclusions, the recommendations for researchers working with surveys on how to control the interviewer effect are provided.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-424
Author(s):  
Xavier Medina Vidal ◽  
Alejandra Campos Carrasco

Using original survey data, we analyze the factors contributing to participation and preferences in the 2018 Mexican election among the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Our empirical analysis of public-opinion data reveals that exposure to Mexican mass media is a significant predictor of voting from abroad among immigrants and US-born Mexicans. Diaspora voters’ feelings of efficacy, their assessments of Mexican democracy, and structural factors yield mixed effects on the vote from abroad and candidate preferences. The study’s design also allows for comparison of the transnational electoral preferences of Mexican emigrants and US-born dual nationals.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 905-915 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Hartley ◽  
Bruce Russett

We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.


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