Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 275-282
Author(s):  
Laura Lohman

This conclusion traces how early American political music was used throughout the nineteenth century. While political music in the early nation was often ephemeral, some of it proved surprisingly durable. Not only were songs from the early national period still performed, printed, and compiled in the following decades, but their melodies were used to carry new lyrics responding to later political developments. At times, early American political music was adapted and repurposed for sectional and election purposes. Focusing on the example of Joseph Hopkinson’s “Hail Columbia,” this conclusion highlights how political music created in the early American republic was circulated in song collections, performed on varied occasions, and used to create new music through the end of the nineteenth century.

Author(s):  
Jared Gardner

This chapter recovers the lost histories of three novel writers of the early national period who have made significant contributions of their own to periodical culture. It first charts Susanna Rowson's writing career and her similarities with that of Brown, given that the both of them are among the leading novelists of the early national period. The chapter next looks at Brown's magazine contributions, before turning to Washington Irving's magazine participation under the pseudonym, “Jonathan Oldstyle”—a nod to Dennie's “Oliver Oldschool.” At the same time the chapter also discusses other facets and challenges which shaped the early American magazine, from the implications which may be drawn from their publication histories (and more often than not their unprofitable runs) to their critiques toward the novel format.


Author(s):  
Seth Perry

This concluding chapter discusses the consequences of biblicism in the early national period for subsequent American religious history. It considers bible culture in the later nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on how the corporatization of religious printing amplifed the Bible's status as an abstract commodity. Responding to the arguments put forward by W. P. Strickland in his 1849 History of the American Bible Society, the chapter argues that attaching the Bible's importance to American national identity could not leave the Bible unchanged, because that is not how scripturalization works. It also explains how the Bible's availability for citation and re-citation fundamentally changed the desire, effectiveness, and circumstances of its citation. Finally, it uses the abandoned quarry—empty because it has flled other places—as a figure for the themes of citation, performance, and identity explored in this book.


Author(s):  
Seth Perry

This chapter examines visionary accounts as a form of performed biblicism that made particularly dramatic claims on relationships of authority, focusing on the ways in which they participated in the scripturalized environment of the early national period. The mechanisms of this scripturalization are analyzed in early national visionary texts. The chapter first explains how print-bible culture defined the generic and formal terms of what a visionary text should look like, thus providing models for latter-day visionaries, before discussing the tendency of visionaries such as Chloe Willey to make direct citation of the Bible. It then considers the visionary texts' preoccupation with literacy, with writing itself, and with the written presentation of revelation. Finally, it reviews the history of The Vision of Isaac Childs, a visionary text of the nineteenth century, to illustrate the operations and effects of the scripturalized terms of visionary authority in the early national period.


2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-341
Author(s):  
Shara Ali

This paper will explore Yucatecan-Mexican relations and local Yucatecan politicking during the early national period, using Yucatán’s pronunciamientos of 1829 to 1832 as case studies. This examination will highlight that, while Yucatán has historically been perceived as a marginal and pro-autonomous state of early nineteenth-century Mexico, in fact, the years of Yucatecan secession from 1829–1832 were instigated by a small but powerful government, and the majority of Yucatecan economic, military and political factions still desired unification with and possessed loyalty to Mexico. In turn, this examination will contribute to re-defining the identification of Yucatán as a secessionist state. Este artículo explora las relaciones México-Yucatán y la forma yucateca de hacer política durante los primeros años del periodo nacional, tomando como caso los pronunciamientos de 1829 y 1832. Nuestro examen subrayará que, aun cuando Yucatán haya sido percibido históricamente como un estado marginal y pro-autónomo de principios del siglo xix en México, los años de secesión yucateca, entre 1829 y 1832, realmente fueron instigados por un gobierno pequeño pero poderoso, y la mayoría de las facciones económicas, militares y políticas yucatecas aún deseaban la unificación y eran leales a México. A su vez, este examen contribuirá a redefinir la identificación de Yucatán como un estado secesionista.


1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (S1) ◽  
pp. 51-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick K. Henrich

The pamphlet literature and the public documents of our early national period show that in spite of repeated instances of governmental interference in economic life, a great deal of thinking was being done along laissez-faire lines. This thought was unsystematic. It was pragmatic rather than philosophical, never doctrinaire, concerned primarily with defending and attacking specific measures of public policy. Nevertheless, it was serious thought, and in many instances had an important influence on legislative action. It was not restricted to any political group, but pervaded to a greater or less degree the thinking of all leaders of the community. Owing little to the teachings of contemporary European economists, American libertarianism deserves analysis as an indigenous body of theory, growing out of, and adjusted to American conditions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLINE WINTERER

What did early national Americans mean when they articulated fears of “luxury and effeminacy,” those twin sins of a republic that idolized the classical virtues of manly self-restraint? This essay argues that the fear of luxury and effeminacy circulated not just as airy metaphor but as palpable reality, specifically in the figure of the female recumbent on the sofa. The article traces separately the careers of Enlightenment Venus, who especially in her recumbent form embodied fears of passion in a republic built on reasoned consent, and the sofa, a piece of neoclassical furniture that rose to great popularity at this time and was envisioned as both effeminate and luxurious in fictional and nonfiction writing. The essay then joins the two figures of recumbent Venus and the sofa, showing how they were mutually enabling, and how they entered into early national conversations about labor and race. It concludes by examining how two educated American women, the self-described Roman matrons Mercy Otis Warren and Martha Bayard Smith, incorporated the image of the supine woman and her implied sofa into fictional writings about classical polities in danger. By knitting political ideologies, imaginative worlds, and neoclassical objects, the essay suggests a way for historians to flesh out the intellectual history of early national women, showing how they could participate in a conversation about modern politics and classical antiquity from which we have assumed they were largely disbarred.


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