Yucatecan-Mexican Relations and Yucatecan Politicking from 1829–1832: Centralism, Secession, and Federalism

2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-341
Author(s):  
Shara Ali

This paper will explore Yucatecan-Mexican relations and local Yucatecan politicking during the early national period, using Yucatán’s pronunciamientos of 1829 to 1832 as case studies. This examination will highlight that, while Yucatán has historically been perceived as a marginal and pro-autonomous state of early nineteenth-century Mexico, in fact, the years of Yucatecan secession from 1829–1832 were instigated by a small but powerful government, and the majority of Yucatecan economic, military and political factions still desired unification with and possessed loyalty to Mexico. In turn, this examination will contribute to re-defining the identification of Yucatán as a secessionist state. Este artículo explora las relaciones México-Yucatán y la forma yucateca de hacer política durante los primeros años del periodo nacional, tomando como caso los pronunciamientos de 1829 y 1832. Nuestro examen subrayará que, aun cuando Yucatán haya sido percibido históricamente como un estado marginal y pro-autónomo de principios del siglo xix en México, los años de secesión yucateca, entre 1829 y 1832, realmente fueron instigados por un gobierno pequeño pero poderoso, y la mayoría de las facciones económicas, militares y políticas yucatecas aún deseaban la unificación y eran leales a México. A su vez, este examen contribuirá a redefinir la identificación de Yucatán como un estado secesionista.

Author(s):  
Seth Perry

This concluding chapter discusses the consequences of biblicism in the early national period for subsequent American religious history. It considers bible culture in the later nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on how the corporatization of religious printing amplifed the Bible's status as an abstract commodity. Responding to the arguments put forward by W. P. Strickland in his 1849 History of the American Bible Society, the chapter argues that attaching the Bible's importance to American national identity could not leave the Bible unchanged, because that is not how scripturalization works. It also explains how the Bible's availability for citation and re-citation fundamentally changed the desire, effectiveness, and circumstances of its citation. Finally, it uses the abandoned quarry—empty because it has flled other places—as a figure for the themes of citation, performance, and identity explored in this book.


Author(s):  
Seth Perry

This chapter examines visionary accounts as a form of performed biblicism that made particularly dramatic claims on relationships of authority, focusing on the ways in which they participated in the scripturalized environment of the early national period. The mechanisms of this scripturalization are analyzed in early national visionary texts. The chapter first explains how print-bible culture defined the generic and formal terms of what a visionary text should look like, thus providing models for latter-day visionaries, before discussing the tendency of visionaries such as Chloe Willey to make direct citation of the Bible. It then considers the visionary texts' preoccupation with literacy, with writing itself, and with the written presentation of revelation. Finally, it reviews the history of The Vision of Isaac Childs, a visionary text of the nineteenth century, to illustrate the operations and effects of the scripturalized terms of visionary authority in the early national period.


Author(s):  
Jared Gardner

This chapter recovers the lost histories of three novel writers of the early national period who have made significant contributions of their own to periodical culture. It first charts Susanna Rowson's writing career and her similarities with that of Brown, given that the both of them are among the leading novelists of the early national period. The chapter next looks at Brown's magazine contributions, before turning to Washington Irving's magazine participation under the pseudonym, “Jonathan Oldstyle”—a nod to Dennie's “Oliver Oldschool.” At the same time the chapter also discusses other facets and challenges which shaped the early American magazine, from the implications which may be drawn from their publication histories (and more often than not their unprofitable runs) to their critiques toward the novel format.


2020 ◽  
pp. 275-282
Author(s):  
Laura Lohman

This conclusion traces how early American political music was used throughout the nineteenth century. While political music in the early nation was often ephemeral, some of it proved surprisingly durable. Not only were songs from the early national period still performed, printed, and compiled in the following decades, but their melodies were used to carry new lyrics responding to later political developments. At times, early American political music was adapted and repurposed for sectional and election purposes. Focusing on the example of Joseph Hopkinson’s “Hail Columbia,” this conclusion highlights how political music created in the early American republic was circulated in song collections, performed on varied occasions, and used to create new music through the end of the nineteenth century.


1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Di Cooper ◽  
Moira Donald

Cet article étudie la parenté entre les chefs de ménage et leurs serviteurs domestiques, dans la banlieue d'Exeter. On se concentre particulièrement sur les cas où le recensement ancien n'enregistre pas de lien familial et où le nom de famille du chef de menage est different de celui de son employé, homme ou femme. On a cependant réussi à prouver une parenté de sang entre maître et domestique. La méthode adoptée pour ce travail est inhabituelle, d'autant plus qu'on a tracé aussi bien les lignées féminines que masculines, ce qui a mené à des conclusions intéressantes et nouvelles en ce qui concerne d'une part les proportions de membres de la famille qui résident dans les ménages au début du XIXe siècle et d'autre part la nature du service domestique durant cette période.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 271-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Isabel Rosas Guevara

Mediante una narrativa historiográfica elaborada a partir de textos legales, el presente documento pretende interpretar las ausencias y presencias del negro en el discurso jurídico decimonónico producido una vez obtenida la independencia de España en los albores del siglo XIX. Teniendo en cuenta que la imaginación del Estado republicano representó un desafío para las elites criollas, las cuales —pese a predicar retóricamente la consolidación de una comunidad nacional basada en la igualdad y la democracia— construyeron una idea de Nación sobre los basamentos ideológicos coloniales, perpetuados en la repulsión elitista hacia la masa o plebe, lo que a la postre produjo su exclusión de la promisoria modernidad.  From Slaves to Citizens and Vagabonds. Representations of Blackness in the Colombian Legal Discourse during the 19th CenturyAbstractThrough a historiographical narrative drawn from legal texts, this paper aims to interpret the absence and presence of black people in the nineteenth-century legal discourse produced once the independence of Spain was obtained in the early nineteenth century. Considering that the imagination of a State Republican represented a challenge for the local elites, —which despite of  preaching rhetorically the consolidation of a national community based on the equality and the democracy— constructed an idea of Nation on the ideological colonial basements perpetuated in the elitist repulsion towards the mass or populace, which at last produced his exclusion of the promissory modernity.   Keywords: slaves, Independence, citizenship, assimilation, exclusion


1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (S1) ◽  
pp. 51-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick K. Henrich

The pamphlet literature and the public documents of our early national period show that in spite of repeated instances of governmental interference in economic life, a great deal of thinking was being done along laissez-faire lines. This thought was unsystematic. It was pragmatic rather than philosophical, never doctrinaire, concerned primarily with defending and attacking specific measures of public policy. Nevertheless, it was serious thought, and in many instances had an important influence on legislative action. It was not restricted to any political group, but pervaded to a greater or less degree the thinking of all leaders of the community. Owing little to the teachings of contemporary European economists, American libertarianism deserves analysis as an indigenous body of theory, growing out of, and adjusted to American conditions.


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