Disenchantment and renewal

2021 ◽  
pp. 156-179
Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

This chapter shows how the tide turned against technocratic internationalism in the 1970s and 1980s. The first section describes a general backlash against bureaucracy as an organizational form that also affected international organizations. Thomas G. Weiss’s criticism of the United Nations and their bureaucracy serves as a key work to illustrate the shifting perception. The chapter then discusses the return of the state and intergovernmentalism in international theory. A new generation of liberal-internationalist literature, influenced by economics and rational choice theory, put the emphasis on actors’ behaviour, on political will, and on the conditions under which international cooperation was negotiated. Few authors now seemed to believe that objective problem pressure alone would induce international cooperation. Yet other elements of the functionalist account remained almost unquestioned. This is illustrated with the emergent literature on global environmental problems, to be tackled by new international ‘regimes’, which became a new field for expert-driven, de-politicized governance. Technocratic ideas about public planning were still present on the left of the political spectrum. The partisans of a New International Economic Order suggested global administrative bodies should manage and re-distribute the world’s resources, such as the minerals of the deep seabed.

Author(s):  
Robyn Eckersley

This chapter examines the evolution of U.S. foreign policy on environmental issues over four decades, from Richard Nixon to Barack Obama. It first considers U.S. environmental multilateralism and foreign environment policy before explaining how the United States, despite being widely regarded as an environmental leader during the Cold War period, has increasingly become an environmental laggard in the post-Cold War period. The chapter attributes the decline in U.S. leadership to the country’s new status as the sole superpower, the more challenging character of the new generation of global environmental problems that emerged in the late 1980s, the structure of the U.S. economy and political system, and key features of U.S. grand strategy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gianluca Grimalda ◽  
Alexis Belianin ◽  
Heike Hennig-Schmidt ◽  
Till Requate ◽  
Marina V. Ryzhkova

Imposing sanctions on non-compliant parties to international agreements is advocated as a remedy for international cooperation failure. Nevertheless, sanctions are costly, and rational choice theory predicts their ineffectiveness in solving cooperation problems. Empirically, sanctions were shown to increase cooperation substantially in some cultural areas but to be detrimental in others. We test sanctions' effectiveness experimentally in international collective-risk social dilemmas simulating efforts to avoid catastrophic climate change. We involve individuals from cultural areas where sanctions were shown to have different effectiveness: Russia and Germany. Here we show that, while this result still holds nationally, international interaction backed by sanctions is beneficial. Cooperation by low cooperator groups increases relative to national cooperation and converges to the levels of high cooperators. Moreover, international groups interacting under sanctions contribute more to catastrophe prevention than what is prescribed by the group payoff-maximizing solution. This behavior signals a strong preference for protection against collective risks.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Conceição da Costa ◽  
Nicole Aguilar Gayard

Resumo O artigo discute alguns elementos centrais presentes na cooperação internacional para o meio ambiente, como o papel desempenhado pela ciência na legitimação das soluções propostas para os problemas ambientais globais e a dualidade de interesses entre financiadores e recebedores da ajuda. Para embasar a análise, apresenta-se um projeto de cooperação ambiental desenvolvido no Brasil e financiado com recursos do Fundo Global para o Meio Ambiente (GEF): o ônibus brasileiro a hidrogênio. A análise proposta pretende situar este projeto no âmbito das assimetrias científicas entre Norte e Sul, a partir de um entendimento de que estas assimetrias desempenham um papel político fundamental nas negociações internacionais para o meio ambiente.Palavras-chave cooperação internacional, meio ambiente, ciência e tecnologia, assimetrias Norte-SulAbstract This paper discusses two central elements in international cooperation for the environment: the role played by science in the legitimation of the proposed solutions to global environmental problems and the duality of interests between donors and recipients of aid. To support the analysis, we present a project of environmental cooperation developed in Brazil and funded by the Global Environment Facility (GEF): a hydrogen fueled bus. The proposed analysis aims to situate this project within the scientific asymmetries between North and South, from an understanding that these asymmetries play a crucial political role in international negotiations for the environment.Keywords international cooperation for the environment, science and technology, North-South assymetries.


OUGHTOPIA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-282
Author(s):  
In-Kyun Kim ◽  
Myeong-Geon Koh

Author(s):  
Augustin Fragnière

It is now widely acknowledged that global environmental problems raise pressing social and political issues, but relatively little philosophical attention has been paid to their bearing on the concept of liberty. This must surprise us, because the question of whether environmental policies are at odds with individual liberty is bound to be controversial in the political arena. First, this article explains why a thorough philosophical debate about the relation between liberty and environmental constraints is needed. Second, based on Philip Pettit’s typology of liberty, it assesses how different conceptions of liberty fare in a context of stringent ecological limits. Indeed, a simple conceptual analysis shows that some conceptions of liberty are more compatible than others with such limits, and with the policies necessary to avoid overshooting them. The article concludes that Pettit’s conception of liberty as non-domination is more compatible with the existence of stringent ecological limits than the two alternatives considered.


Author(s):  
Kealeboga J Maphunye

This article examines South Africa's 20-year democracy by contextualising the roles of the 'small' political parties that contested South Africa's 2014 elections. Through the  prism  of South  Africa's  Constitution,  electoral legislation  and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, it examines these parties' roles in South Africa's democratisation; their influence,  if any, in parliament, and whether they play any role in South Africa's continental or international engagements. Based on a review of the extant literature, official documents,  legislation, media, secondary research, reports and the results of South Africa's elections, the article relies on game theory, rational choice theory and theories of democracy and democratic consolidation to examine 'small' political parties' roles in the country's political and legal systems. It concludes that the roles of 'small' parties in governance and democracy deserve greater recognition than is currently the case, but acknowledges the extreme difficulty experienced by the 'small'  parties in playing a significant role in democratic consolidation, given their formidable opponent in a one-party dominant system.


Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-546
Author(s):  
ABHISHEK CHOUDHARY

The paper analyses the concerns arising from a moral perspective in the context of a renewed arms race in South Asia. It challenges the idea that possession of nuclear power could in any way contribute to any sort of balance. The emulation of so-called great powers and expecting that balance would arrive as it did in the case of the US and the erstwhile-USSR during cold war is detrimental to the temporal and spatial uniqueness of South Asia. Deterrence, based on rational choice theory, does not apply to the South Asian context due to ambiguity owing to mutual mistrust especially in the case of India and Pakistan. Also, it no longer only sates that are sole actors in the international arena. One cannot expect the non-state actors to behave in a rational manner. Furthermore, the idea of ‘credible minimum deterrence’ itself is questionable as it is a flexible posture adjusted to relative prowess and ambiguity in policy further aggravates the situation. The paper argues from a consequentialist notion of ethics and argues that the principles of harm and equity ought be part of nuclear decision-making. Another aspect that the paper uncovers relates to the ‘reification’ of nuclear power. Using a neo-Marxist framework and concept of Lukács, the paper argues that it is no longer the state as a repository of power that decides the trajectory of nuclear development. Rather the nuclear technology has started to dictate the way states are looking at regional and international relations. This inverted relationship has been created due to neglect of any ethical toolkit. The paper thus proposes an ethical toolkit that focuses on the negative duties of not to harm and also the positive duties to create conditions that would avoid harm being done to people.


2016 ◽  
pp. 70-86
Author(s):  
Iwona Miedzińska

This article is about the new approach directives and their impact on ensuring the free movement of goods in the single market. The author analysed the relevant legislation of the European Union adopted in the field of technical harmonisation: regulations and directives. The primary method of research used in this article is the legal and institutional analysis. Neofunctionalism and rational choice theory were also helpful to explain the processes of integration in this area. The analysis shows that the new approach directives affect the streamlining of procedures for the movement of goods in the single market. However, despite the simplification of procedures for the movement of goods, an adequate level of safety and consumer protection is ensured. The member states and the European Commission have effective response mechanisms when a product endangers life, health or safety of consumers.


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