Nuclear Weapons, South Asia and Morality

Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-546
Author(s):  
ABHISHEK CHOUDHARY

The paper analyses the concerns arising from a moral perspective in the context of a renewed arms race in South Asia. It challenges the idea that possession of nuclear power could in any way contribute to any sort of balance. The emulation of so-called great powers and expecting that balance would arrive as it did in the case of the US and the erstwhile-USSR during cold war is detrimental to the temporal and spatial uniqueness of South Asia. Deterrence, based on rational choice theory, does not apply to the South Asian context due to ambiguity owing to mutual mistrust especially in the case of India and Pakistan. Also, it no longer only sates that are sole actors in the international arena. One cannot expect the non-state actors to behave in a rational manner. Furthermore, the idea of ‘credible minimum deterrence’ itself is questionable as it is a flexible posture adjusted to relative prowess and ambiguity in policy further aggravates the situation. The paper argues from a consequentialist notion of ethics and argues that the principles of harm and equity ought be part of nuclear decision-making. Another aspect that the paper uncovers relates to the ‘reification’ of nuclear power. Using a neo-Marxist framework and concept of Lukács, the paper argues that it is no longer the state as a repository of power that decides the trajectory of nuclear development. Rather the nuclear technology has started to dictate the way states are looking at regional and international relations. This inverted relationship has been created due to neglect of any ethical toolkit. The paper thus proposes an ethical toolkit that focuses on the negative duties of not to harm and also the positive duties to create conditions that would avoid harm being done to people.

Author(s):  
Zaeem Hassan Mehmood ◽  
Ramla Khan

The relations among United States of America and People’s Republic of China have historically survived several bouts and rounds however the approach employed by the Trump Administration for a program involving reprisal hefty tariff-trade war against China has given a new face to the bilateral relations between the two states. The paper demonstrates that domestic and international agents played a vital role in initiating and nurturing the trade clash between Washington and Beijing since 2018 to date. The aim of the study is to ascertain that how the political climate and past pursuits of one country conditions policy outcomes in another, and how domestic political pressures on politician’s conditions their relations with foreign counterparts. The paradigm of rational choice theory is adopted to provide a conceptual understanding to the triggering of the trade war between the economic giants.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Waseem Khan ◽  
Dr Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Murad Ali

The Indian-us nuclear deal brought about a tense scenario to the strategic stability of South Asia in many ways. It intensified the already persistent political albatross between Islamabad and Delhi and Beijing and Delhi in general. The deal enables India to get access to the fissile materials across the world and enrolls it into the nuclear supplier groups lopsidedly, which poses much concern for Pakistan. The diplomatically biased overture of US in the wake of its nuclear wholehearted assistance to Indian pushed Pakistan into psychological isolation, to say the least. Given the fact that the U.S.-India nuclear deal has had a devastating regional impact, it seemed as precipitant to the already existing nuclear arms race among the regional triangle; Pakistan, China and India. Both Pakistan and china showed their loathsome response to the deal and considered it as a conceived blow to the regional strategic stability, for they have their longstanding territorial issues with India. Besides the strategic asymmetry that it procreates in south Asia, the deal also ensures a reassurance effect for the nuclear runner up countries like Iran and North Korea, who are in the way around near to become a nuclear power states. Moreover, US-India nuclear deal also proves lethal to Pakistan-US relation that focuses on the strategic stability of Afghanistan primarily. It spawns many kinds of suspicions in Pakistan’s government toward the US over the later impartial diplomatic approach toward the former. Pakistan in return embarks upon a cordial relation with the Russian to reciprocate the US-India new engagement. Somehow, it gives enough reasons for Pakistan to embolden its defense, economic and political ties with Russian and China in a bid to counterweight Indian influence in the region. The nations of both developing countries India and Pakistan are reeling under multiple problems ranging from abject poverty, poor health facilities, illiteracy, to unemployment and lacking basic life amenities. Ironically enough, the ever-gloomy picture of the people in these countries on one side and their disproportionate defense expenditures on other side forecast destructive consequences in offing as the underdeveloped society is a time bomb and can be turned violently against the state. Hence, the region is in crucial need of human development in terms of education, health, economic resources, industrialization, job security and social security against all odds. The time is ripened up for both India and Pakistan to draw their attention away from arms acquisition toward regional multilateral engagements and should learn the lesson of European countries how could ably they translate their once perennial rivalry into perpetual friendship.


OUGHTOPIA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-282
Author(s):  
In-Kyun Kim ◽  
Myeong-Geon Koh

Author(s):  
Kealeboga J Maphunye

This article examines South Africa's 20-year democracy by contextualising the roles of the 'small' political parties that contested South Africa's 2014 elections. Through the  prism  of South  Africa's  Constitution,  electoral legislation  and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, it examines these parties' roles in South Africa's democratisation; their influence,  if any, in parliament, and whether they play any role in South Africa's continental or international engagements. Based on a review of the extant literature, official documents,  legislation, media, secondary research, reports and the results of South Africa's elections, the article relies on game theory, rational choice theory and theories of democracy and democratic consolidation to examine 'small' political parties' roles in the country's political and legal systems. It concludes that the roles of 'small' parties in governance and democracy deserve greater recognition than is currently the case, but acknowledges the extreme difficulty experienced by the 'small'  parties in playing a significant role in democratic consolidation, given their formidable opponent in a one-party dominant system.


2016 ◽  
pp. 70-86
Author(s):  
Iwona Miedzińska

This article is about the new approach directives and their impact on ensuring the free movement of goods in the single market. The author analysed the relevant legislation of the European Union adopted in the field of technical harmonisation: regulations and directives. The primary method of research used in this article is the legal and institutional analysis. Neofunctionalism and rational choice theory were also helpful to explain the processes of integration in this area. The analysis shows that the new approach directives affect the streamlining of procedures for the movement of goods in the single market. However, despite the simplification of procedures for the movement of goods, an adequate level of safety and consumer protection is ensured. The member states and the European Commission have effective response mechanisms when a product endangers life, health or safety of consumers.


Author(s):  
Michael Moehler

This chapter discusses contractualist theories of justice that, although they rely explicitly on moral assumptions in the traditional understanding of morality, employ rational choice theory for the justification of principles of justice. In particular, the chapter focuses on the dispute between Rawls and Harsanyi about the correct choice of principles of justice in the original position. The chapter shows that there is no winner in the Rawls–Harsanyi dispute and, ultimately, formal methods alone cannot justify moral principles. This finding is significant for the development of the rational decision situation that serves for the derivation of the weak principle of universalization for the domain of pure instrumental morality.


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