Spatializing Authenticity

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-132
Author(s):  
Gwynne Mapes

In this chapter Mapes turns to ethnographically informed data from four renowned restaurants in Brooklyn, New York, to consider the spatialization of elite authenticity. Based on interviews with chefs, owners, and employees; field notes and photos; as well as archived material from the restaurants’ individual websites, she considers how these restaurants represent various semiotic micro-landscapes. Importantly, it is not just that they comprise complicatedly layered texts, but also that they reflect the social stratification of people, objects, and spaces, as well as a simultaneous and careful disavowal of said stratification.

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Chirkova ◽  
James N. Stanford ◽  
Dehe Wang

AbstractLabov's classic study,The Social Stratification of English in New York City(1966), paved the way for generations of researchers to examine sociolinguistic patterns in many different communities (Bell, Sharma, & Britain, 2016). This research paradigm has traditionally tended to focus on Western industrialized communities and large world languages and dialects, leaving many unanswered questions about lesser-studied indigenous minority communities. In this study, we examine whether Labovian models for age, sex, and social stratification (Labov, 1966, 2001; Trudgill, 1972, 1974) may be effectively applied to a small, endangered Tibeto-Burman language in southwestern China: Ganluo Ersu. Using new field recordings with 97 speakers, we find evidence of phonological change in progress as Ganluo Ersu consonants are converging toward Chinese phonology. The results suggest that when an endangered language undergoes convergence toward a majority language due to intense contact, this convergence is manifested in a socially stratified way that is consistent with many of the predictions of the classic Labovian sociolinguistic principles.


1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
E.F.K. Koerner

RESUME Bien que le terme 'sociolinguistics' n'ait ete introduit dans le vocabulai-re technique de la linguistique qu'en 1952 par Haver Currie et que la socio-linguistique ne soit devenue une sous-discipline importante de la science du langage que depuis les annees soixante (v. Bright 1966), cet article main-tient qu'une telle approche du langage existait depuis longtemps, peut-etre plus de cent ans. En d'autres mots, nous avangons qu'il y avait une sociolin-guistique bien avant la lettre. En effet, on retrouve dans la linguistique generate de Wiliam Dwight Whitney (1827-1894) et de Heymann Steinthal (1823-1899) et dans quel-ques articles de Michel Breal (1832-1915) des annees 60 et 70 du siecle dernier des observations qui mettent en relief la nature sociale du langage. Les dialectologues de la meme periode, surtout en France et dans les pays de langue allemande, etaient tout a fait conscients du fait que l'etude des patois, des parlers et des langues orales en general devait etre guidee par des considerations sociologiques (v. Malkiel 1976). Dans la linguistique compa-ree et historique c'est Antoine Meillet (1866-1936), eleve de Saussure et de Breal et collaborates de la revue d'Emile Durkheim, Vannee sociologique, au debut de notre siecle, qui a insiste sur l'importance de l'aspect social (et sociologique) dans l'etude du changement linguistique (par ex., Meillet 1905). Avec ses eleves de Paris, surtout Joseph Vendryes (1875-1960), Alf Sommerfelt (1892-1965) et Marcel Cohen (1884-1974), Meillet etablit l'ecole sociologique du langage (par ex., Vendryes 1921; Sommerfelt 1932; Cohen 1956). Enfin, il existe — a cote de la dialectologie et de l'histoire des langues — encore une troisieme source de la sociolinguistique: l'etude du bilinguisme (par ex., Max Weinreich 1931; Haugen 1953). Ces trois traditions de la recherche linguistique se trouvent toutes reunis dans l'etude de Uriel Weinreich (1926-1967), Languages in Contact (1953), et puisque l'ouvrage de William Labov de 1966, The Social Stratification of English in New York City, qui est souvent cite (bien a tort) comme point de depart de la sociolo-gie moderne, representait sa these de doctorate ecrite sous la direction de Weinreich, il n'est pas etonnant de voir ces traditions, surtout celles de la linguistique geographique et de la linguistique historique, maintenues dans l'oeuvre de Labov (par ex., 1976, 1982). SUMMARY Although the term 'sociolinguistics' was not introduced into linguistic nomenclature before 1952 (see Currie 1952) and the field became a recognized field of research in the late 1960s only (e.g., Bright 1966), it is clear that the subject did not begin two decades ago. Indeed, an investigation into the sources of 'sociolinguistics' reveals that its beginnings go back at least 100 years, to the work of William Dwight Whitney (1827-1894), Heymann Steinthal (1823-1899), Michel Breal (1832-1915), and others. However, these were the first programmatic statements and a number of developments in the study of language were necessary to converge upon the kind of sociolinguistics which most students of language associate with the name of William Labov (e.g., Labov 1966), at least in North America. Interestingly enough, it is also in the work of Labov (e.g., 1972) that the origins of 'sociolinguistics' (to some extent in contradistinction to the 'sociology of language' approach associated with Basil Bernstein, Joshua A. Fishman, and others) could be traced, although neither Labov nor the prolific Dell Hymes has written anything on the history of sociolinguistics. (Indeed, the only paper that comes close to it was written by an outsider to the field, the great Romance scholar Yakov Malkiel, in 1976.) In my paper, I shall demonstrate that there are essentially three major traditions of investigation that led to 'sociolinguistics', namely, (1) Dialectology, especially the work done in German-speaking lands and in France from the 1870s onwards (e.g., Georg Wenker [1852-1911], Jules Gillieron [1854-1926], and others) — part of which had been undertaken in an effort to verify and possibility to support the neogrammarian 'regularity hypothesis' of sound changes; (2) Historical Linguistics, in particular the kind advocated by Antoine Meillet (1866-1936) and his school (e.g., Meillet 1905; Vendryes 1921), which developed into a 'science sociologique' of linguistics in general (Sommerfelt 1932) and a 'sociologie du langage' (e.g., Cohen 1956) among the younger Meillet disciples, and (3) Bilingualism Studies (e.g., Max Weinreich 1931; Haugen 1953), traditions all of which can be found united in the 1953 study of Uriel Weinreich (1926-1967), who happens to have been Labov's teacher and mentor.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-479
Author(s):  
Roberto Gomes Camacho

Com o foco centrado em dados extraídos do Iboruna, um córpus coletado na região noroeste do Estado de São Paulo, este trabalho pretende mostrar a relevância social da pesquisa variacionista com base num estudo da marcação variável de plural em predicativos de um único componente (substantivos, adjetivos e particípios passivos). Como reiteração de marcas, esse fenômeno variável se mostra em grande parte motivado por paralelismo formal, definido como uma restrição interna, mas se mostra também passível de ser explicado especialmente por grau de escolaridade, definido como uma restrição externa. Esse resultado, de natureza nitidamente social, converge com os principais princípios postulados pela Sociolinguística em seu surgimento 50 anos atrás, quando foi publicada a tese de Labov The Social Stratification of English in New York City.


2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 481
Author(s):  
Josane Moreira de Oliveira

Neste artigo apresenta-se um breve balanço da área de estudos sociolinguísticos no Brasil a partir da publicação da obra seminal de William Labov, The Social Stratification of English in New York City, em 1966. Considerando que essa tese de Labov lançou as sementes de um profícuo campo de estudos que encontrou terreno fértil para florescer no Brasil, lança-se um olhar simultâneo para o passado, o presente e o futuro, apontando o que já foi feito nestes últimos cinquenta anos e o que ainda é preciso fazer/aperfeiçoar no que tange às questões fundamentais propostas pela Teoria da Variação e da Mudança Linguística. Além de mencionar alguns dos muitos e incontáveis trabalhos sociolinguísticos realizados no País, em vários níveis de estruturação da língua, destacando o crescimento da área em solo brasílico, exemplifica-se a aplicação do quadro teórico-metodológico da sociolinguística variacionista com pesquisas próprias: o apagamento do /R/ em coda silábica (OLIVEIRA, 1999); a variação na expressão do futuro verbal (OLIVEIRA, 2006); a palatalização de /t, d/ diante de [i] (OLIVEIRA e MOTA, a sair); a variação na expressão do imperativo gramatical (OLIVEIRA, a sair). Finalmente, sugerem-se caminhos a serem percorridos nos próximos cinquenta anos para o mapeamento e a descrição sociolinguística do português brasileiro.


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