O le Aso Ma le Filiga, O le Aso Mata’igatila. A qualitative study looking at Samoan language maintenance within second generation households

<p>Samoan language within Aotearoa New Zealand has been labelled as “at risk” of becoming an endangered language if language shift continues (Hunkin, 2012; Wilson, 2017). Language shift or language loss is defined as when a speech community gradually stops using one of its two languages in favour of the other, in this case English (Ravindrantha, 2009). The Samoan population is the largest community of the Pacific diaspora living in Aotearoa New Zealand. However, the use and maintenance of the Samoan language is rapidly declining. Although community-led initiatives have led to establishing of Aoga ‘Amata (Samoan language and culture immersion preschool), Pacific Islands Early Childhood Association (PIECA) and the establishing of Samoan Studies departments within tertiary institutions, there continues to be an urgent need for government support and the implementation of Pacific language policies to ensure the continued use and protection of Samoan and other Pacific languages within the realm of Aotearoa New Zealand. The three research questions framing this investigation are as follows: 1. How do the second and third generation Samoans view language and culture as contributing to their identity? 2. Where are second and third generation Samoans using and learning Samoan? 3. Is there a relationship between wellbeing and language shift? O le Filiga Afa, a qualitative research methodology, was born out of this research in response to the need for a culturally responsive framework. Data was gathered through focus group and one-to-one discussions and included New Zealand - born Samoan - speaking and non-Samoan - speaking Samoan participants. Key findings from this study include: • All participants had a deep yearning for maintaining and revitalising their heritage languages; • Language, culture and identity are intertwined and cannot be separated from one another; • The role of elders, genealogy and the connection to culture contributes significantly towards the reinforcing and the maintenance of the Samoan language. • A strong connection can be found between language shift and one’s wellbeing</p>

Bilingual speech in Jaru–Kriol conversations: Codeswitching, codemixing, and grammatical fusion

Aims and objectives: Language contact in the Yaruman community of Western Australia has led to prevalent bilingual practices between the endangered language Jaru and the creole language Kriol. This study examines ordinary conversations in the community and investigates whether the observable bilingual practices are interactionally relevant, and whether codemixing has led to the emergence of a conventionalised mixed language. Approach: The research is based on a qualitative analysis of bilingual speech in natural conversation. The approach combines the methodological framework of interactional linguistics with an analysis of the grammatical structures of conversational data. Data and analysis: The analysed data consist of two hours and thirty minutes of transcribed video recordings, comprising 13 casual multi-party conversations involving all generations in the Yaruman community. The recordings were made using lapel microphones and two high-definition cameras. Findings: Bilingual Jaru–Kriol speakers use codeswitching as an interactional resource for a range of conversational activities. In many cases, however, speakers’ code choices are not interactionally relevant. Instead, codemixing is often oriented to as a normative way of speaking and participants exploit their full linguistic repertoire by relatively freely combining elements from both languages. There are also signs of morphological fusion in the mixed speech of younger Jaru speakers, who more frequently combine Kriol verb structure and Jaru nominal morphology. However, this morphological split is not fully conventionalised and variation is still substantial. Originality: The bilingual speech continuum is supported by the analysis of conversational data in a situation of language shift. This article shows that fusion involving core grammatical categories can occur among a subgroup of speakers without developing into a community-wide mixed language. Significance: The study contributes to a better understanding of community bilingualism and bilingual practices in a situation of language shift. It demonstrates how codeswitching, codemixing, and grammatical fusion can co-exist in a bilingual community.

O le Aso Ma le Filiga, O le Aso Mata’igatila. A qualitative study looking at Samoan language maintenance within second generation households

<p>Samoan language within Aotearoa New Zealand has been labelled as “at risk” of becoming an endangered language if language shift continues (Hunkin, 2012; Wilson, 2017). Language shift or language loss is defined as when a speech community gradually stops using one of its two languages in favour of the other, in this case English (Ravindrantha, 2009). The Samoan population is the largest community of the Pacific diaspora living in Aotearoa New Zealand. However, the use and maintenance of the Samoan language is rapidly declining. Although community-led initiatives have led to establishing of Aoga ‘Amata (Samoan language and culture immersion preschool), Pacific Islands Early Childhood Association (PIECA) and the establishing of Samoan Studies departments within tertiary institutions, there continues to be an urgent need for government support and the implementation of Pacific language policies to ensure the continued use and protection of Samoan and other Pacific languages within the realm of Aotearoa New Zealand. The three research questions framing this investigation are as follows: 1. How do the second and third generation Samoans view language and culture as contributing to their identity? 2. Where are second and third generation Samoans using and learning Samoan? 3. Is there a relationship between wellbeing and language shift? O le Filiga Afa, a qualitative research methodology, was born out of this research in response to the need for a culturally responsive framework. Data was gathered through focus group and one-to-one discussions and included New Zealand - born Samoan - speaking and non-Samoan - speaking Samoan participants. Key findings from this study include: • All participants had a deep yearning for maintaining and revitalising their heritage languages; • Language, culture and identity are intertwined and cannot be separated from one another; • The role of elders, genealogy and the connection to culture contributes significantly towards the reinforcing and the maintenance of the Samoan language. • A strong connection can be found between language shift and one’s wellbeing</p>

UNESCO’s Atlas on Endangered Languages and the Local Context

This article analyses the overall development of the endangered language around the world in reference to UNESCO’s Atlas of World Endangered Languages and reflects on the local context. The focus to local context refers to the current territory of North Macedonia in which it is believed there are 7 endangered languages such as: Adyge, Aromanian, Gagauz (South Balkans), Megleno-Romanian, Judezmo, Romani and Torlak. These languages are classified as endangered but are still spoken in the country. The article also reflects on the status of the Albanian language in North Macedonia by drawing comparisons with two other language varieties such as Arberesh which spoken in Southern Italy and Arvanitika spoken in Greece. The challenges that these minority languages have faced in particular countries should serve as a guide in designing effective language policies in North Macedonia in order for the language not be endangered. In the last section the article report on the phenomena of Globalization in which English has become the global language and at the same time has accelerated the loss of many native languages around the globe.

Judeo-Spanish (Judezmo, Ladino)

The Ibero-Romance-speaking Jews of medieval Christian Iberia were linguistically distinct from their non-Jewish neighbors primarily as a result of their language’s unique Hebrew-Aramaic component; preservations from older Jewish Greek, Latin, and Arabic; a tradition of translating sacred Hebrew and Aramaic texts into their language using archaisms and Hebrew-Aramaic rather than Hispanic syntax; and their Hebrew-letter writing system. With the expulsions from Iberia in the late 15th century, most of the Sephardim who continued to maintain their Iberian-origin language resettled in the Ottoman Empire, with smaller numbers in North Africa and Italy. Their forced migration, and perhaps a conscious choice, essentially disconnected the Sephardim from the Spanish language as it developed in Iberia and Latin America, causing their language—which they came to call laðino ‘Romance’, ʤuðezmo or ʤuðjó ‘Jewish, Judezmo’, and more recently (ʤudeo)espaɲol ‘Judeo-Spanish’—to appear archaic when compared with modern Spanish. In their new locales the Sephardim developed the Hispanic component of their language along independent lines, resulting in further differentiation from Spanish. Divergence was intensified through borrowing from contact languages of the Ottoman Empire such as Turkish, Greek, and South Slavic. Especially from the late 18th century, factors such as the colonializing interests of France, Italy, and Austro-Hungary in the region led to considerable influence of their languages on Judezmo. In the 19th century, the dismemberment of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires and their replacement by highly nationalistic states resulted in a massive language shift to the local languages; that factor, followed by large speech-population losses during World War II and immigration to countries stressing linguistic homogeneity, have in recent years made Judezmo an endangered language.

THE ROLE OF VISUAL MODALITY IN LANGUAGE VITALITY AND MAINTENANCE

В статье на примере русского жестового языка (РЖЯ) делается попытка показать, что инструменты оценки жизнеспособности и сохранности языка, разработанные на материале звуковых языков, не вполне подходят для оценки жизнеспособности и сохранности жестовых языков. Если, например, оценивать жизнеспособность РЖЯ по шестибалльной шкале в системе «девяти факторов», предложенной в документе ЮНЕСКО (Language vitality…, 2003) и используемой в Атласе языков, находящихся под угрозой исчезновения, то эта оценка составит не более 3 баллов, т. е. РЖЯ будет характеризоваться как язык, находящийся под угрозой исчезновения. Это бесписьменный язык, преимущественно используемый в сфере бытового общения, существующий в окружении функционально несопоставимо более мощного русского звукового языка; подавляющее большинство носителей РЖЯ являются билингвами, в той или иной степени владеющими русским звуковым языком в его устной или письменной форме; большая часть носителей РЖЯ усваивают жестовый язык не в семье, с рождения, а в более позднем возрасте; условия усвоения РЖЯ влияют на языковую компетенцию его носителей; окружающий русский звуковой язык влияет на лексику и грамматику РЖЯ; этот язык остается пока недостаточно изученным и слабо задокументированным, и т. д. Однако в действительности РЖЯ в этих условиях стабильно сохраняется, а в последнее время даже расширяет свой словарный состав и сферы использования. Главный фактор, который обеспечивает сохранность жестового языка и который не учитывается в существующих методиках, предназначенных для оценки витальности языков — это модальность, в которой существует жестовый язык. Глухие люди, в силу того что им недоступна или плохо доступна аудиальная модальность, не могут полностью перейти на звуковой язык. Наиболее естественной для коммуникации для них остается визуальная модальность, при этом современные средства связи и интернет открывают дополнительные возможности для подержания и развития языка в визуальной модальности. The paper discusses sociolinguistic aspects of Russian Sign Language (RSL) and attempts to show that the tools used to access the degree of language vitality, which were developed for spoken languages, are not quite suitable to access vitality of sign languages. For example, if to try to assess the vitality of RSL in terms of six-point scale of the “nine factors” system proposed by UNESCO (Language vitality ..., 2003), which is used in the Atlas of Endangered Languages, the assessment of RSL would be no more than 3 points. In other words, RSL would be characterized as an endangered language. It is an unwritten language, mainly used in everyday communication; it exists in the environment of functionally much more powerful spoken Russian; the overwhelming majority of RSL signers are bilinguals, they use spoken Russian, at least in its written form; most deaf children acquire RSL not in the family, from birth, but later in life, at kindergartens or schools; the conditions of RSL acquisition affect the deaf signers’ language proficiency, as well as spoken Russian affects RSL’s lexicon and grammar; RSL still remains insufficiently studied and poorly documented, etc. However, RSL, as a native communication system of the Deaf, based on visual modality, is not only well maintained, but even expands some spheres of use. The main factor, which supports maintenance of RSL and which is not taken into account in the existing tools to access the degree of language vitality is visual modality. The auditory modality is inaccessible or poorly accessible for the deaf, so they can not completely shift to spoken Russian. Visual modality remains the most natural for their communication. In addition, modern technologies and the internet provide much more opportunities for the existence of RSL in this modality and for its development.

Lower Sorbian (New) Speakers: Questions Worth Asking

Lower Sorbian (New) Speakers: Questions Worth AskingThis article discusses the results of a sociolinguistic survey conducted among speakers of Lower Sorbian in autumn/winter 2020/2021. Lower Sorbian is an endangered Slavic language spoken in Lower Lusatia, a region located in the federal state of Brandenburg in eastern Germany. As is the case with many other minority languages, efforts are currently being undertaken to revitalize it and ensure its survival for future generations. Since home transmission of Lower Sorbian has practically ceased completely, the burden of revitalization is increasingly being carried by so-called new speakers, i.e. speakers who have acquired the language, usually via institutional education and often as adults.The online survey, available both in Lower Sorbian and German, consisted of 30 questions divided into four sections: General information, Language use/linguistic practices, Lower Sorbian identity and community, and Opinions and attitudes. Its goal was to gather general information on the Lower Sorbian speaker community and on how it operates. Although the survey did not target new speakers specifically, it was expected to be completed mostly by this speaker group. It was designed to provide an overall picture of new speaker profiles, to be explored in depth later in the project during individual sociolinguistic interviews and focus group discussions. The questionnaire was distributed via familiar speaker networks and completed by 78 respondents (43 in German and 35 in Lower Sorbian).As the number of Lower Sorbian speakers is not known, the results of the survey cannot be considered representative. They do, however, provide important and interesting information about a group of speakers who are mostly of working age, well-educated and living predominantly in Cottbus or the surrounding area. They make an effort to speak the endangered language in professional and social/cultural contexts, they are aware of its precarious situation and they care about its survival. Most of our respondents have learned the language — or are still learning it — via institutional education, which makes them new speakers. Through multiple diagrams that represent the survey results in an easy-to-follow way, complemented by examples of respondents’ comments to the questionnaire, the article paints a general picture of these speakers, their motivations, language practices and future hopes and aspirations. (Nowi) użytkownicy języka dolnołużyckiego — pytania warte zadaniaW artykule omówiono wyniki ankiety socjolingwistycznej przeprowadzonej wśród użytkowników/-czek języka dolnołużyckiego jesienią/zimą 2020/2021. Dolnołużycki to zagrożony język słowiański, występujący na Dolnych Łużycach, regionie leżącym w Brandenburgii, we wschodnich Niemczech. Podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych języków mniejszościowych, obecnie podejmuje się wysiłki rewitalizacyjne w celu jego zachowania dla przyszłych pokoleń. Ponieważ domowa transmisja dolnołużyckiego praktycznie całkowicie ustała, ciężar rewitalizacji języka w coraz większym stopniu spoczywa na tzw. nowych użytkownikach/-czkach (ang. new speakers), którzy/-re nauczyli/-ły się języka zwykle poprzez edukację zinstytucjonalizowaną i często już jako osoby dorosłe.Ankieta online dostępna zarówno po dolnołużycku, jak i niemiecku składała się z 30 pytań podzielonych na cztery sekcje: Informacje ogólne, Użytkowanie języka / praktyki językowe, Tożsamość i społeczność dolnołużycka, oraz Opinie i postawy. Celem badania było zebranie ogólnych informacji na temat społeczności użytkowników/-czek dolnołużyckiego i jej funkcjonowania. Chociaż ankieta nie była skierowana wyłącznie do new speakers, oczekiwano, że zostanie wypełniona głównie przez tę grupę i wyłoni ogólny obraz profili nowych użytkowników/-czek, który zostanie pogłębiony w dalszej części projektu podczas indywidualnych wywiadów socjolingwistycznych i dyskusji w grupach fokusowych. Ankieta, rozprowadzona za pośrednictwem rozpoznanych wcześniej sieci społecznych, wypełniona została przez 78 respondentów/-tek (43 w języku niemieckim i 35 w dolnołużyckim).Chociaż liczba osób posługujących się dolnołużyckim nie jest znana, wyników badania prawdopodobnie nie można uznać za reprezentatywne. Dostarczają one jednak ważnych i interesujących informacji o grupie osób, w większości w wieku produkcyjnym, dobrze wykształconych, mieszkających głównie w Cottbus lub w jego okolicach, usiłujących używać zagrożonego języka w kontekstach zawodowych i społeczno-kulturowych, świadomych tego, w jak niepewnej sytuacji znajduje się dolnołużycki i jak ważna jest dbałość o jego przetrwanie. Większość respondentów/-ek nauczyła się języka — lub nadal się go uczy — poprzez edukację instytucjonalną, co czyni ich/je przedstawicielami/lkami new speakers. Za pomocą licznych diagramów, które w jasny sposób przedstawiają wyniki ankiety, uzupełnionych przykładami komentarzy respondentów/ek, artykuł zarysowuje ogólny obraz użytkowników/-czek dolnołużyckiego, ich motywacji, praktyk językowych oraz przyszłych nadziei i aspiracji.

A Website Is a Website Is a Website: Why Trusted Repositories Are Needed More Than Ever

Over the last two decades there has been a surge in activists, linguists, anthropologists, documenters digitally recording endangered language use. These unique records often are uploaded to corporate social media sites or to privately run websites. Despite popular belief, uploading these materials to a server does not mean they are archived and preserved for future generations. In this paper we discuss the differences between professional archiving systems and content management system (CMS) based approaches to making language materials accessible. Looking at the example of the Archive of Languages and Cultures of Ethnic Groups of Thailand we discuss the benefits of a Mukurtu based community website, and how linking it to a professional archive can ensure long-term preservation of precious and unique language materials.