Power

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-92
Author(s):  
Deborah L. Rhode

This chapter explores ambition for power in politics and the workplace. Control over others can be advantageous in its own right and also in the wealth and recognition that it often confers. Although most politicians link their need for power to the service of public interests, the evidence often suggests otherwise. Drawing on prominent examples, such as Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, John McCain, and Donald Trump, and those who served them, the chapter explores how prioritizing power can subvert principle and the institutional checks necessary to prevent abuse. By contrast, examples such as Nelson Mandela show how those who use power to empower others can serve the highest ideals of social justice. Power in the workplace can also serve stakeholder and societal interests, but it is too often sabotaged by egoistic interests, needs for control, and bullying behaviors. The chapter concludes with strategies to increase accountability for abusive conduct.

Author(s):  
Lauren Pearlman

The conclusion discusses key trends in the shift to black political power after the 1974 election of Walter Washington, assesses the 1978 mayoral election of Marion Barry, and explains the outcomes of the programs implemented and projects undertaken during the Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon presidencies. Self-government in the nation’s capital was not a simple or arcane issue about representation but one that was central to conflicts between local and national powers. The implementation of the 1973 home rule legislation granted rights to self-government, but it did not change the U.S. Constitution. The conclusion shows how legislative home rule allowed Congress to grant autonomy to the local government while reserving the ability to intervene and overrule the District at any time. Through intense fights and increased activism, Washingtonians fought for greater political control. But the racialization of crime policies and crime discourse, the use of new surveillance methods, and the implementation of punitive federal crime legislation curbed their efforts to achieve true self- determination. This ensured that the majority-black city with a strong civil rights tradition and hints of radical promise never fulfilled its democratic potential.


Author(s):  
Mark Hamm

This article offers a sociopolitical framework for appreciating seven masterpieces of American protest music that emerged during the tumultuous decade of the 1960s. Attention is paid to the “worked-at-process” that each artist experienced while creating their landmark songs. They include Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land” (recorded in 1956 but popularized in the 1960s); Pete Seeger’s “Where Have All the Flowers Gone?”; Bob Dylan’s “Blowin’ in the Wind”; Nina Simone’s “Mississippi Goddam”; James Brown’s “Papa’s Got a Brand New Bag”; Jimi Hendrix’s “The Star Spangled Banner” at Woodstock; and John Lennon’s “Give Peace a Chance.” These songs became masterpieces primarily because they arose hand-in-glove with mass demonstrations for peace and social justice, thereby establishing legacies of protest music for future generations, particularly, the generation now facing uncertainty and fear created by the presidency of Donald Trump.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 1083-1105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip E. Converse ◽  
Warren E. Miller ◽  
Jerrold G. Rusk ◽  
Arthur C. Wolfe

Without much question, the third-party movement of George C. Wallace constituted the most unusual feature of the 1968 presidential election. While this movement failed by a substantial margin in its audacious attempt to throw the presidential contest into the House of Representatives, in any other terms it was a striking success. It represented the first noteworthy intrusion on a two-party election in twenty years. The Wallace ticket drew a larger proportion of the popular vote than any third presidential slate since 1924, and a greater proportion of electoral votes than any such movement for more than a century, back to the curiously divided election of 1860. Indeed, the spectre of an electoral college stalemate loomed sufficiently large that serious efforts at reform have since taken root.At the same time, the Wallace candidacy was but one more dramatic addition to an unusually crowded rostrum of contenders, who throughout the spring season of primary elections were entering and leaving the lists under circumstances that ranged from the comic through the astonishing to the starkly tragic. Six months before the nominating conventions, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon had been the expected 1968 protagonists, with some greater degree of uncertainty, as usual, within the ranks of the party out of power. The nominating process for the Republicans followed the most-probable script rather closely, with the only excitement being provided by the spectacle of Governors Romney and Rockefeller proceeding as through revolving doors in an ineffectual set of moves aimed at providing a Republican alternative to the Nixon candidacy. Where things were supposed to be most routine on the Democratic side, however, surprises were legion, including the early enthusiasm for Eugene McCarthy, President Johnson's shocking announcement that he would not run, the assassination of Robert Kennedy in the flush of his first electoral successes, and the dark turmoil in and around the Chicago nominating convention, with new figures like Senators George McGovern and Edward Kennedy coming into focus as challengers to the heir apparent, Vice President Hubert Humphrey.


Author(s):  
Usman Madugu ◽  
Halimah Abdul Manaf ◽  
Syarfa Ayuni Nasir ◽  
Sharmaine Sakthi Ananthan ◽  
Mega Hidayati

Knowledge sharing has been acknowledged as the right mechanism for public servants to share best practices in performing work among workers. The sharing of best practices on learning by actions (doing) seems to enhance motivation among public servants to provide quality services. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between knowledge sharing and public service motivation among civil servants in the Department of Student Affairs, UiTM Merlimau and Public Works Department (JKR), Jasin, Malaysia. A total of 150 questionnaires were distributed but only 118 questionnaires were validly returned and used. The findings demonstrate that the level of knowledge sharing practices in both organisations is at moderate level. Pearson correlation analysis shows that policy making, commitment to public interests, social justice, civic duty, compassion and self-sacrifice have significant relationships with knowledge sharing practices. Meanwhile, multiple regression analysis reveals that only commitment to public interests, social justice as well as civic duty significantly influence the practices of knowledge sharing. The findings conclude that knowledge sharing is key element used by civil servants in producing public service motivation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311771239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin A. Cech

Opposition to social justice efforts plays a key role in reproducing social inequalities in the United States. Focusing on supporters of Donald Trump as a possible exemplar of politically structured resistance to these efforts, the author asks whether and why Trump supporters are more likely than other Americans to oppose social justice efforts. Analysis of a proportionally representative, postelection survey ( n = 1,151) reveals that Trump supporters are indeed more opposed to social justice efforts. They also express greater overt race, class, and gender bias, yet this bias does not explain their opposition. Rather, many Trump supporters are “rugged meritocratists” who oppose these efforts because they believe U.S. society is already fair. To expand support for social justice efforts, rugged meritocratists must first be convinced that systemic inequalities still exist.


Author(s):  
Michael Bruter ◽  
Sarah Harrison

Could understanding whether elections make people happy and bring them closure matter more than who they vote for? What if people did not vote for what they want but for what they believe is right based on roles they implicitly assume? Do elections make people cry? This book invites readers on a unique journey inside the mind of a voter using unprecedented data from the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, South Africa, and Georgia throughout a period when the world evolved from the centrist dominance of Barack Obama and Nelson Mandela to the shock victories of Brexit and Donald Trump. The book explores three interrelated aspects of the heart and mind of voters: the psychological bases of their behaviour, how they experience elections and the emotions this entails, and how and when elections bring democratic resolution. The book examines unique concepts including electoral identity, atmosphere, ergonomics, and hostility. The book unveils insights into the conscious and subconscious sides of citizens' psychology throughout a unique decade for electoral democracy. It highlights how citizens' personality, memory, and identity affect their vote and experience of elections, when elections generate hope or hopelessness, and how subtle differences in electoral arrangements interact with voters' psychology to trigger different emotions. The book radically shifts electoral science, moving away from implicitly institution-centric visions of behaviour to understand elections from the point of view of voters.


Author(s):  
Saleem Badat ◽  
Yusuf Sayed

The formal end of apartheid was greeted with optimism and expectations. A new Government of National Unity with Nelson Mandela at its head signaled a new just and democratic social order, including social justice in and through education. Twenty years later, formally desegregated yet class-based educational institutions, continuing disparities and inequities, and poor academic achievement are key features of the contemporary educational order. This article considers how far South Africa has come since 1994 in realizing laudable constitutional and policy goals, especially equity, quality, and social justice in education. It argues, however, that, as a consequence of policy, the doors of learning remain firmly shut to the majority of South Africans. Some key strategies to advance social justice are identified. A failure to act now and with urgency to reform South Africa’s educational approach betrays constitutional ideals and leaves intact the systemic crisis of education that especially affects South Africa’s historically disadvantaged and marginalized peoples.


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