The Emergence of the PRI in Mexico

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-78
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This chapter explores the role of erosion of traditional agrarian structures on party organization in Mexico. Land privatization was extensive but not uniform in the country by the time the Partido Revolucioonario Institucional (PRI) began forming. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, this chapter shows how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of land privatization and where kinship-based communal councils were weak were the areas where the PRI emerged as a mass party. In areas where land privatization was weak and communal councils were strong, the party was able to establish only tenuous temporary alliances with peasants. It shows how these regional differences correspond to differences in peasants’ organizational availability, types of interests and demands, and emergence of professional politicians autonomous from their communities of origin. These differences facilitated the emergence of the PRI.

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-106
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This chapter explores the role of persistent traditional agrarian structures on party organization. Land privatization was considerably less extensive in Bolivia when compared to Mexico. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of attempted electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, the chapter show how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of communal land tenure and strong traditional authority structures were places where it was essentially impossible for the MNR to establish sustainable links to a mass base. In regions with less communal property holding, the MNR developed close links to existing and emerging peasant unions. Ultimately, these regions were not large enough as in the Mexican case to sustain stable party formation.


2002 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 452-453
Author(s):  
Edward P. Havranek ◽  
Pam Wolfe ◽  
Frederick A. Masoudi ◽  
Harlan M. Krumholz ◽  
Saif S. Rathore ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882090766
Author(s):  
Katharine Dommett ◽  
Glenn Kefford ◽  
Sam Power

Since at least the 1980s, scholars have highlighted parties’ reliance on external actors, with Panebianco’s ‘electoral–professional’ party model spotlighting the increasing role of professionals in supporting party activities and campaigns. Over successive decades, our understanding of the role of external actors, and particularly consultants, has grown. As parties have begun to embrace digital tools and technologies, however, it has become apparent that our understanding of party organization does not reflect the array of actors who support party activities. In this article, we draw on extensive interview data from Australia and the United Kingdom to offer a new conceptual framework – that we call the ‘party-centred digital ecosystem’ – to highlight the functions that different types of external actor provide for parties. Introducing the classification of CLANS to describe these different actors, we discuss the significance of this trend, highlighting the potential for increasingly porous organizational boundaries as parties call on different types of external actor for support.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

AbstractWhat explains mass party formation? Prevailing approaches explain party formation as a process of reflection of preexisting social constituencies, or as the consequence of the rise of the bureaucratic state and in particular the advent of universal suffrage. These approaches fail to explain why Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) emerged as a mass party in some regions but not others despite attempts to do so and similarity in conditions that have been posited as central to party formation. I put forth a novel approach that posits that parties emerge as mass organization through a process of constitution of the very social base they claim to represent, but their constitutive powers are conditioned by fundamental economic structures. Relying on agrarian censuses and archival data, I show that the PRI emerged as a mass party in areas where land privatization had been more intensive. In these areas the party during its process of formation was able to build new, and absorb existing, peasant unions and organizations and carry out strong electoral mobilization. These findings suggest that mass party formation is dependent on the destruction of “pre”-capitalist agrarian structures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (8) ◽  
pp. eaax0341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam C. Martiny ◽  
Michael W. Lomas ◽  
Weiwei Fu ◽  
Philip W. Boyd ◽  
Yuh-ling L. Chen ◽  
...  

Surface ocean phosphate is commonly below the standard analytical detection limits, leading to an incomplete picture of the global variation and biogeochemical role of phosphate. A global compilation of phosphate measured using high-sensitivity methods revealed several previously unrecognized low-phosphate areas and clear regional differences. Both observational climatologies and Earth system models (ESMs) systematically overestimated surface phosphate. Furthermore, ESMs misrepresented the relationships between phosphate, phytoplankton biomass, and primary productivity. Atmospheric iron input and nitrogen fixation are known important controls on surface phosphate, but model simulations showed that differences in the iron-to-macronutrient ratio in the vertical nutrient supply and surface lateral transport are additional drivers of phosphate concentrations. Our study demonstrates the importance of accurately quantifying nutrients for understanding the regulation of ocean ecosystems and biogeochemistry now and under future climate conditions.


2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 507-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Katchanovski

This article examines determinants of persistent regional political cleavages in post-Communist Ukraine. The question is how significant the role of culture is compared to ethnic, economic, and religious factors in the regional divisions. This study employs correlation, factor, and regression analyses of regional support for the Communist/pro-Russian parties and presidential candidates and pro-nationalist/pro-independence parties and candidates in all national elections held from 1991 to 2006, the vote for the preservation of the Soviet Union in the March 1991 referendum, and the vote for the independence of Ukraine in the December 1991 referendum. This study shows that the pattern of these regional differences remained relatively stable from 1991 to 2006. Historical experience has a major effect on regional electoral behavior in post-Communist Ukraine. The legacy of Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovak rule is positively associated with the pro-nationalist and pro-independence vote; the same historical legacy has a negative effect on support for pro-Communist and pro-Russian parties and presidential candidates and on the vote for the preservation of the Soviet Union.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolai M. Dronin ◽  
Andrei P. Kirilenko

Agriculture in Russia has always had to contend with unfavorable climate. At the same time, large-scale socio-economic experiments have also strained the country’s food production potential throughout the 20th century. The relative role of climate and state agricultural policies in affecting production of cereals was studied for the period of 1958–2010. The study used statistical yield modeling to explain the variations in observed yields with slowly changing progress in technology and management and weather variability. The correlation between the actual and weather-explained yields is moderate to high: measured at the level of the entire country, Pearson’s r is 0.74 and Spearman’s rho is 0.68. Further, we suggest that the residual yield variability can be explained partially with the influence of large-scale changes in agricultural policies at the state level. Between these policies, we consider the following key periods in the history of Russian agriculture: “Virgin Lands” campaign (end of 1950s), Kosygin-Liberman initiatives (late 1960s), Brezhnev’s investment programmes in response of stagnation of agriculture (late 1970s – early 1980s), Gorbachev’s “Perestrojka” (1985–1991), and land privatization and price liberalization (1990s).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document