The Failure of Party Formation in Bolivia

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-106
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This chapter explores the role of persistent traditional agrarian structures on party organization. Land privatization was considerably less extensive in Bolivia when compared to Mexico. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of attempted electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, the chapter show how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of communal land tenure and strong traditional authority structures were places where it was essentially impossible for the MNR to establish sustainable links to a mass base. In regions with less communal property holding, the MNR developed close links to existing and emerging peasant unions. Ultimately, these regions were not large enough as in the Mexican case to sustain stable party formation.

Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This book argues that the mass party emerged as the product of two distinct but related “primitive accumulations”—the dismantling of communal land tenure and the corresponding dispossession of the means of local administration. It illustrates this argument by studying the party central to one of the longest regimes of the 20th century—the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico, which emerged as a mass party during the 1930s and 1940s. I place the PRI in comparative perspective, studying the failed emergence of Bolivia’s Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) (1952–64), attempted under similar conditions as the Mexican case. Why was party emergence successful in one case but not the other? The PRI emerged as a mass party in areas in Mexico where land privatization was more intensive and communal village government was weakened, enabling the party’s construction and subsequent absorption of peasant unions and organizations. Ultimately, the overall strength of communal property-holding and concomitant traditional political authority structures blocked the emergence of the MNR as a mass party. Where economic and political expropriation was more pronounced, there was a critical mass of individuals available for political organization, with articulatable interests, and a burgeoning cast of professional politicians that facilitated connections between the party and the peasantry.


2021 ◽  
pp. 49-78
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

This chapter explores the role of erosion of traditional agrarian structures on party organization in Mexico. Land privatization was extensive but not uniform in the country by the time the Partido Revolucioonario Institucional (PRI) began forming. Through agrarian census materials and archival evidence of electoral mobilization and peasant union construction, this chapter shows how the regions in the country with relatively higher levels of land privatization and where kinship-based communal councils were weak were the areas where the PRI emerged as a mass party. In areas where land privatization was weak and communal councils were strong, the party was able to establish only tenuous temporary alliances with peasants. It shows how these regional differences correspond to differences in peasants’ organizational availability, types of interests and demands, and emergence of professional politicians autonomous from their communities of origin. These differences facilitated the emergence of the PRI.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-185
Author(s):  
George Barrie

The facts in this case, which fell to be decided by the Supreme Court of Namibia in November 2018, can be succinctly put: in 1985, Ms Kashela’s late father was allocated a piece of land as part of communal land by the Mafwe Traditional Authority (MTA) in the Caprivi region of the then-South West Africa (now Namibia). In 1985, the Caprivi region fell under the then-South West Africa Administration. Following the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990, all communal lands became property of the state of Namibia by virtue of section 124 of the Constitution of Namibia Act 1 of 1990, read with Schedule 5 of the Constitution. Paragraph (3) of Schedule 5 of the Constitution states that the afore-mentioned communal lands became property of the state “subject to any existing right, charge, obligation or trust existing on or over such property”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-300
Author(s):  
Edwin F. Ackerman

AbstractWhat explains mass party formation? Prevailing approaches explain party formation as a process of reflection of preexisting social constituencies, or as the consequence of the rise of the bureaucratic state and in particular the advent of universal suffrage. These approaches fail to explain why Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) emerged as a mass party in some regions but not others despite attempts to do so and similarity in conditions that have been posited as central to party formation. I put forth a novel approach that posits that parties emerge as mass organization through a process of constitution of the very social base they claim to represent, but their constitutive powers are conditioned by fundamental economic structures. Relying on agrarian censuses and archival data, I show that the PRI emerged as a mass party in areas where land privatization had been more intensive. In these areas the party during its process of formation was able to build new, and absorb existing, peasant unions and organizations and carry out strong electoral mobilization. These findings suggest that mass party formation is dependent on the destruction of “pre”-capitalist agrarian structures.


Author(s):  
Melissa Schumacher ◽  
Pamela Durán-Díaz ◽  
Anne Kristiina Kurjenoja ◽  
Eduardo Gutiérrez-Juárez ◽  
David A. González-Rivas

The ejido system in Mexico based on communal land was transformed for private ownership due to neoliberal trends during 1990. This research describes the evolution of Mexican land policies that changed the ejido system into private development to answer why land tenure change is shaping urban growth. To demonstrate this, municipalities of San Andrés Cholula and Ocoyucan were selected as a case study. Within this context, we evaluated how much ejido land is being urbanized due to real estate market forces and what type of urbanization model is created. These two areas represent different development scales: S.A. Cholula where its ejidos were expropriated as part of a regional urban development plan; and Ocoyucan where its ejidos and rural land were reached by private developers without local planning. To analyze both municipalities, historical satellite images from Google Earth were used with GRASS GIS 7.4 and corrected with QGIS 2.18. We found that privatization of ejidos fragmented and segregated the rural world for the construction of massive gated-communities. Therefore, a disturbing land tenure change occurred during the last 30 years, hence this research questions the role of local authorities in permitting land use change without regulations or local planning. The resulting urbanization model is a private sector development that isolates rural communities in their own territories, for which we provide recommendations.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tri Martial

Agroforestry as a model of community-based forest management generally does not develop and is mostly in the form of traditional management. In West Sumatra, sustainability relates to the status of land tenure as communal property (communal land). Communal interests that appear on the communal rights to land and trees are able to direct the management of agroforestry to be sustained. Lack of security of land tenure does not affect the appearance of agroforestry, but the level of management or management of land use is more important for the purpose.


Author(s):  
Tracy-Lynn Humby

Although developments subsequent to the judgment have undermined the value of the decision for the community involved, the Constitutional Court's judgment in the Bengwenyama matter provides a welcome precedent on the provisions of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002 that deal with the existence of an internal appeal, the nature of consultation with interested and affected parties, the role of environmental considerations in the granting of prospecting rights, and the procedural obligations of the DMR in relation to the community preferent right to prospect or mine. However, its deliberations on the duty to consult and particularly the procedural implications of the community preferent right to prospect do not go far enough into the dynamics underlying the implementation of the law, or tackle the problematic linkages between the MPRDA, the law relating to communal land tenure, and the processing of land claims.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147309522110373
Author(s):  
Hayden Shelby

This article theorizes the potential roles of the state in the urban commons through an analysis of a slum upgrading program in Thailand that employs collective forms of land tenure. In examining the transformation of the program from a grassroots movement to a “best practice” policy, the article demonstrates how the state has expanded from mere enabler of the commons to active promoter. In the process, the role of many residents has evolved from actively creating the institutions of collective governance— commoning—to adopting institutions prescribed by the state— being commoned. However, by comparing the work to two different groups of communities who work within the context of the policy, the article illustrates how active commoning can still take place in such contexts.


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