Scottish Philosophy Teachers at the French Protestant Academies in the Seventeenth Century

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Marie-Claude Tucker
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Significant Element ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Share

This chapter discusses the Scots who taught philosophy in the French protestant academies. It shows how and why the Scots were recruited, the role they played, and the interaction between the Scottish universities and the Protestant academies. The essay also focuses on the career of Mark Duncan and his contribution, through his book Institutiones Logicae, to the teaching of philosophy in Saumur. It appears that these Scottish teachers who, for the most, were masters for many years, had a share in the government of the academies and that they represented a very significant element in the intellectual life of French reformed education, well beyond the teaching of philosophy.

Antoine Laurent Lavoisier, F. R. S., 1743-1794

1949 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-41 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Share

ON 20 March 1791 the National Assembly of France cancelled the lease of the Farmers/General who, under the system established by Colbert in the seventeenth century, bought the privilege of collecting the indirect national taxes and certain customs and duties for a stipulated sum paid annually to the Government in advance, the cancellation being dated retrospectively from 1 July 1789, so that all actions of the Farm from that date onwards were to be considered as done in the name of the nation. A lease normally ran for a period of six years, after which time a new lease was drawn up on terms arranged between the Minister of Finance and the Farmers General. The purchase of a share in a lease was regarded as an investment of capital with the chance of profit or the risk of loss.

scholarly journals Zemskii Sobor: Historiographies and Mythologies of a Russian “Parliament”

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Sablin ◽  
Kuzma Kukushkin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
History Writing ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Modern Russian

Focusing on the term zemskii sobor, this study explored the historiographies of the early modern Russian assemblies, which the term denoted, as well as the autocratic and democratic mythologies connected to it. Historians have discussed whether the individual assemblies in the sixteenth and seventeenth century could be seen as a consistent institution, what constituencies were represented there, what role they played in the relations of the Tsar with his subjects, and if they were similar to the early modern assemblies elsewhere. The growing historiographic consensus does not see the early modern Russian assemblies as an institution. In the nineteenth–early twentieth century, history writing and myth-making integrated the zemskii sobor into the argumentations of both the opponents and the proponents of parliamentarism in Russia. The autocratic mythology, perpetuated by the Slavophiles in the second half of the nineteenth century, proved more coherent yet did not achieve the recognition from the Tsars. The democratic mythology was more heterogeneous and, despite occasionally fading to the background of the debates, lasted for some hundred years between the 1820s and the 1920s. Initially, the autocratic approach to the zemskii sobor was idealistic, but it became more practical at the summit of its popularity during the Revolution of 1905–1907, when the zemskii sobor was discussed by the government as a way to avoid bigger concessions. Regionalist approaches to Russia’s past and future became formative for the democratic mythology of the zemskii sobor, which persisted as part of the romantic nationalist imagery well into the Russian Civil War of 1918–1922. The zemskii sobor came to represent a Russian constituent assembly, destined to mend the post-imperial crisis. The two mythologies converged in the Priamur Zemskii Sobor, which assembled in Vladivostok in 1922 and became the first assembly to include the term into its official name.

The Carter Administration and Italy: Keeping the Communists Out of Power Without Interfering

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Njølstad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Carter Administration ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Italian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Share

From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.

Judicial Torture, the Liberties of the Subject, and Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1660–1690

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Established Church

This chapter provides a picture of the uses to which judicial torture was put after 1660. It also reconsiders Hume's ‘vestige of barbarity’: the role of judicial torture in late seventeenth-century Scotland. It first explores the practice of judicial torture in its broader legal, political, and philosophical contexts before turning to consider three specific instances wherein torture was sanctioned. The first concerns the torture in 1676 of the Covenanting preacher, James Mitchell, following his alleged attempt to assassinate the head of the established church, Archbishop James Sharp of St Andrews. The second investigates the torture of William Spence and William Carstares in 1684 on suspicion of treasonable attempts to foment an Anglo-Scottish rebellion against Charles II's authority, and the final case addresses the torture in 1690 of an English political agitator, Henry Neville Payne, in connection with Anglo-Scottish Jacobite intrigues being concerted against the government of William and Mary. Moreover, it describes the role of judicial torture within a domestic Scottish context. It is noted that if judicial torture is regarded as ‘an engine of state, not of law’, primarily deployed to protect civil society, rather than to punish known crimes, then some chilling contemporary parallels emerge.

A Blessed Union? Anglo-Scottish Relations before the Covenant

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Brown
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
State System ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Government ◽  
British State ◽  
New Britain

This chapter provides a summary on the Anglo-Scottish relations before the Covenant. It specifically addresses the medieval inheritance of Anglo-Scottish relations. Undoubtedly, the fourteenth-century Wars of Independence hugely influenced the development of late medieval Scotland, leaving the Scots with a legacy of popular distrust of England. The new British state system with its composite monarchies was not unique, and multiple monarchies existed elsewhere in Europe. The structures put in place for the government of the new Britain had minimal or little impact on Anglo-Scottish relations, and what is surprising is how little governmental change took place. In terms of culture, the greatly improved Anglo-Scottish relations of the early seventeenth century had a modest impact. Religion was the single most damaging evidence of Scotland's distinctive traditions being compromised, and significantly it was on this issue that the Covenanters placed greatest emphasis in their subsequent negotiations with English parliamentarians in the 1640s.

Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-575
Author(s):  
Philip Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
New Methods ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.

Religion and the Government of the Later Stuarts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grant Tapsell
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Information Culture ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Religious Perspectives ◽  
Royal Supremacy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Institutional Church

This chapter emphasizes the centrality of religious debates and disagreements to the conduct of government under the later Stuarts. The consequences of a narrowly intolerant Church ‘settlement’ in 1662 interacted with the longer-term complexities of the post-Reformation English church-state to ensure considerable instability in public life. After a summary discussion of modern historiography, the chapter turns to examine conflicting ideas of toleration and uniformity in the Restoration period. Attention then shifts to the structures of political life: Royal Supremacy, Parliamentary affairs, the institutional Church, and successive governing ministries. Finally, the chapter examines the central role religion played within the information culture of later seventeenth-century England, especially printed literature. Attention is drawn to the ways in which different religious perspectives powerfully inflected discussions of good government.

Chiliastic Prophecy and Revolt in the Habsburg Monarchy during the Seventeenth Century

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Nicolette Mout
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Rational Mind ◽  
The Government

The link between chiliastic prophecy and revolt in the Habsburg monarchy during the seventeenth century was obvious to the government of those times but has been neglected by the rational mind of modern scholars. Most of the cases, ranging in time from the beginning of the Thirty Years’ War to the eighties, and in place from the Austrian heartlands to remote corners of Moravia and Hungary, have been studied in isolation. Many cases have, undoubtedly, escaped the eye of the historian altogether.

Presidential Address: Collective Mentalities in mid-Seventeenth-Century England: IV. Cross Currents: Neutrals, Trimmers and Others

1989 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. E. Aylmer
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
Text Book ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Church

Among the most striking changes from the text-book generalisations of my school days is the emphasis given nowadays to those who were not committed to either side in the Civil War, those who tried and in some cases succeeded in keeping clear of the conflict altogether. Indeed so great has been the stress on neutrals and neutralism and on the general reluctance to take sides and to begin fighting at all in 1642, that we are in danger of having to explain how a mere handful of obstinate or fanatical extremists on each side contrived to drag the country down into the abyss of Civil War. I have said enough in my previous addresses in this series to make my own position clear on that. Among Royalists, including the King himself, there were enough who believed that rebellion must be put down, whether they were more concerned to defend the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown, the government and liturgy of the Church, or the whole existing fabric of society. Correspondingly there were enough Parliamentarians who believed that religion, liberty and property were in deadly peril, through the design for Popery and arbitrary government. If these beliefs had been confined to a few dozen or even score of men on each side, it is not credible that a war would have begun in 1642, where fighting broke out be it noted in Lancashire, Yorkshire and Somerset before the preparations and manoeuverings of the two main armies led up to the campaign and battle of Edgehill.

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