Nietzsche’s Meta-Axiology

Author(s):  
Andrew Huddleston

Chapter 7 considers the status of the underlying values by which Nietzsche celebrates the flourishing of culture and rates certain kinds of lives highly. Does he regard this simply as his idiosyncratic preference, or does he take it to stand on a more secure foundation? The interpretation offered cuts against the grain of much of the best recent scholarship on Nietzsche, which sees him as doubtful that any values, including his own, might have privileged standing. For this reason, the approach taken in this chapter is primarily negative in character: it tries to undermine the basis for thinking that Nietzsche pulls the rug out from under his perfectionistic value commitments. The arguments for blanket value skepticism that have been attributed to Nietzsche, arguments that would undermine the pretensions of any values to enjoy meta-axiological privilege, are simply not anchored in decisive textual evidence.

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Lukas Hermann

AbstractIn its peritext, Thomas Mann’s Entstehung des Doktor Faustus is described as a “Roman eines Romans”. The essay reasons that this description of its genre as well as structural aspects of its composition mark it as an autobiographical text. Instead of following most studies on the Doktor Faustus, which regard the Entstehung simply as a documentary source for exposing autobiographical intricacies of Mann’s novel, textual evidence for the Entstehung’s autonomy is given. The analysis focuses first on the structural frame of the Entstehung in order to show Mann’s central techniques of autobiographical self-stylization. In this context auto-fictional elements can also be identified. Exemplary passages from two longer sections are taken into account based on these findings. While the Doktor Faustus is a recurrent topic in these passages, it is not, by any means, the only one. Combined with varying autobiographical writing techniques, the Entstehung is thus displaying continuous independence from the Faustus. Based on these insights, future Mann studies on both works may reevaluate the role of the Entstehung for the reception of the Faustus and the status of autobiographical literature in the works of Thomas Mann.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Franco Barchiesi ◽  
Shona N. Jackson

Labor historiography in the contexts of modern racial slavery and emancipation has long placed changes in the status of work at the core of the very meaning of captivity and freedom, their epochal watersheds, and institutionalized or unintended overlaps. Reviewing, in this journal's pages, recent scholarship on the relations between slavery and capitalism, James Oakes summarized that the “crucial differences between the political economy of slave and free labor … ultimately led to a catastrophic Civil War and one of the most violent emancipations in the hemisphere.” The literature Oakes critically discussed exemplifies the growing academic interest in the multifarious functionality of coerced production for the development of global capitalism. The resulting picture reaches much further than mere questions of economic causality, or whether chattel slavery did kick-start the profitability of capitalism, rather than the other way around. At stake are explanations of how racial captivity—which liberal economic, political, and moral discourse deems an anachronism—shapes the very productive, financial, social, institutional, and philosophical foundations of the global present. Historic and contemporary activist resistance to recurring and ubiquitous waves of antiblack violence, as well as the increasingly self-confident affirmation of white supremacy across Western states and civil societies has rendered such dilemmas in starker terms, asking whether persistent echoes of racial slavery are symptoms that the system is “built this way” rather than being just “broken.”


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 512-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Rousseau ◽  
Christopher Gelpi ◽  
Dan Reiter ◽  
Paul K. Huth

The literature on the democratic peace has emerged from two empirical claims: (1) Democracies are unlikely to conflict with one another, and (2) democracies are as prone to conflict with nondemocracies as nondemocracies are with one another. Together these assertions imply that the democratic peace is a dyadic phenomenon. There is strong support for the first observation, but much recent scholarship contravenes the second. This paper assesses whether the democratic peace is a purely dyadic, a monadic, or perhaps a mixed dyadic and monadic effect. Our analysis offers two important advances. First, our model directly compares the dyadic and monadic explanations by using the state as the unit of analysis rather than the potentially problematic dyad. Second, our model controls for an important but overlooked confounding variable: satisfaction with the status quo. Our results indicate that the initiation of violence within crises is predominantly a dyadic phenomenon, but we also find evidence suggesting a strong monadic effect regarding the emergence of crises.


Politics ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas W. Jaenicke

Recent scholarship has documented the increased cohesion and influence of the congressional parties. In this new context, the status of the government as either unified or divided should function as an independent variable in determining presidential success rates. Occurring in just such a period, the Bush and Clinton presidencies can be used to test whether presidential success rates vary according to whether the national government is unified or divided. All the relevant data and comparisons confirm the hypothesis. In addition, a comparison of the presidential success rates for Carter and Nixon's first four years indicate that in the preceding period of less cohesive congressional parties there was a much weaker relationship between presidential success and the status of government as either unified or divided.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK GOLDIE

AbstractHistorians of political thought speak of ‘languages’ of politics. A language provides a lexicon, an available resource for legitimating positions. It is looser than a ‘theory’, because protean, and not predictive of particular doctrines. Some languages attract considerable scholarly attention, while others languish, for all that they were ambient in past cultures. In recent scholarship on early modern European thought, natural law and civic humanism have dominated. Yet prescriptive appeals to national historiographies were equally pervasive. Many European cultures appealed to Tacitean mythologies of a Gothic ur-constitution. The Anglophone variant dwelt on putative Saxon freedoms, the status of the Norman ‘Conquest’, whether feudalism ruptured the Gothic inheritance, and how common law related to ‘reason’, natural law, and divine law. Whigs rooted parliaments in the Saxonwitenagemot; though, by the eighteenth century, ‘modern’ Whigs discerned liberty as the fruit of recent socio-economic change. Levellers and Chartists alike talked of liberation from the ‘Norman Yoke’. These themes were explored from the 1940s onwards under the stimulus of Herbert Butterfield; one result was J. G. A. Pocock's classicAncient constitution and the feudal law(1957).


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-123
Author(s):  
Joseph Pomp

While the profound effect that metropolitan France has had on the contours of the global literary marketplace (or ‘littérature-monde’) has figured prominently in much recent scholarship, the similarly central role that Paris plays in the nebulous domain of world cinema remains ripe for scrutiny. The status of the Cannes Festival is well known as perhaps the single most powerful gatekeeper to a filmmaker’s international circulation, but the broader relationship between France’s administration of film culture and the international art-house circuit is not widely understood. This paper engages with competing definitions of ‘world cinema’ on both sides of the Atlantic and lays the groundwork for a historical inquiry into the Aide aux cinémas du monde, a production grant that the Centre national du cinéma established in 2012 to replace its long-running Fonds Sud, a fund for film projects originating in the southern hemisphere and beyond.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-176
Author(s):  
LEON CHISHOLM

ABSTRACTIn his 1720 poem ‘To the Musick Club’ Allan Ramsay famously called upon an incipient Edinburgh Musical Society to elevate Scottish vernacular music by mixing it with ‘Correlli's soft Italian Song’, a metonym for pan-European art music. The Society's ensuing role in the gentrification of Scottish music – and the status of the blended music within the wider contexts of the Scottish Enlightenment and the forging of Scottish national identity – has received attention in recent scholarship. This article approaches the commingling of vernacular and pan-European music from an alternative perspective, focusing on the assimilation of Italian music, particularly the works of Arcangelo Corelli, into popular, quasi-oral traditions of instrumental music in Scotland and beyond. The case of ‘Mr Cosgill's Delight’, a popular tune derived from a gavotte from Corelli's Sonate da camera a tre, Op. 2, is presented as an illustration of this process. The mechanics of vernacularization are further explored through a cache of ornaments for Corelli's Sonate per violino e violone o cimbalo, Op. 5, by the Scottish professional violinists William McGibbon and Charles McLean. The study foregrounds the agency of working musicians dually immersed in elite and popular musical traditions, while shedding new light on McGibbon's significance as an early dual master of Italian and Scots string-playing traditions.


Author(s):  
Avraham Faust

In light of the information provided in the previous chapters, Chapter 7 (‘The Empire in the Southwest: Reconstructing Assyrian Activity in the Provinces’) examines the way the empire operated in the southwestern provinces, including the activity of the local governors, the deportation of some of the population, and the settling of foreign deportees. The evidence shows that indications for Assyrian administration are lacking from most of the provinces’ areas, and that they were not of much significance for the imperial authorities, which concentrated their efforts on the frontiers facing the flourishing clients. It is only in these regions that we find evidence for significant imperial activity. Combining the archaeological and textual evidence also shed light on the status of Dor, which appears to have been managed by Tyre, and indicate that parts in the coastal plain (including the anchorages) were administered by the clients.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-313
Author(s):  
Michele Mitchell

Abstract*As much as recent scholarship, popular outlets, and even a documentary film have asserted that we find ourselves in another “Gilded Age” since the 1980s, such a conceit has its limits. Indeed, we should proceed with caution when it comes to embracing analogies that posit a “new” or “second” Gilded Age. We might instead profitably think about the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as being a period of high capitalism and our current moment as reflecting a particular, if not peculiar, phase of capitalism. And, as much as our understanding of gender and sexuality during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries might actually be hindered by separating “Gilded Age” and “Progressive Era,” considering gendered dynamics of our current moment—a moment that has been termed late-stage capitalism—deepens our analysis of the low-wage economy. When it comes to sexuality, we should be careful in drawing parallels between the Gilded Age and the present given that contemporary understandings of sexuality began to coalesce during the late nineteenth century. Still, debates about sex and sexuality certainly shaped the Gilded Age and they continue to inform our current moment in dynamic and even unprecedented ways. We might not find ourselves in another Gilded Age, but we should arguably build upon current interest in histories of capitalism as a means think about the significance of progressive social movements within capitalist societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-322
Author(s):  
Carolyn Laubender

This article provides a reading of a ‘political Anna Freud’ by analysing how Anna Freud's interwar papers about the clinical technique of child analysis refracted broader political discourses about the function and effects of governmental authority. I claim that, in the interwar period, Anna Freud developed a version of child analysis explicitly interested in the authority the analyst exercised over the child-patient. By working from a developmental conception of the child, Anna Freud argued that the relatively ‘undeveloped’ and ‘immature’ nature of the child's super-ego made it ‘dependent’ on a ballast of external (analytic) authority. Anna Freud theorized this analytic authority as a corollary to pedagogical authority, a discourse that puts her in conversation with many political reformers of her time. Yet, unlike her more leftist colleagues, when it came to the clinic Anna Freud contended that authority was both practically necessary and psychically beneficial for children. As I show, this emphasis on the necessity of authority in the clinic is part of a larger, political conversation throughout interwar Europe about the status of newly minted national democracies like Austria's. While recent scholarship on Anna Freud has mined her post-war, institutional work for a latent democratic ethos, I attend to how her early, specifically clinical prioritization of authority participates in a broader interwar ambivalence about the political viability of democracy and about the ultimate need for the restoration of good authority.


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