The Making, Meaning(s), and Tasks of the 1998 Agreement

Author(s):  
Brendan O’Leary

This chapter provides a detailed account of the contents and significance of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement of 1998, and of its consociational and non-consociational components. It conforms to all aspects of a consociational settlement—namely, parity, proportionality, autonomy, and veto rights among the partners—but it is not just a consociation. The agreement encompasses a peace agreement, a substantive program to complete the reform of Northern Ireland, cross-border cooperation across Ireland, and intergovernmental cooperation between Ireland, Northern Ireland, and all the British Isles. It can be seen as creating a “federacy” in Irish eyes; in unionist eyes every component of the agreement can be modified by normal UK legislation. An assessment of why the agreement was made is offered, as well as a preliminary evaluation of its early difficulties in implementation.

Author(s):  
Monica McWilliams ◽  
Avila Kilmurray

Women’s activism played an important role in conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, from the early civil rights activists to the development of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition political party. This chapter follows the history of activism in Northern Ireland, using the trajectory to illustrate how the exclusion of women from formal institutions resulted in a women’s movement that became an alternative means for creating change. It identifies important characteristics of women’s activism, including a willingness to build broad alliances in civil society and framing tactics that brought gender-specific interests to the peace process and the Good Friday peace agreement. As the chapter examines the successes and challenges of the post-conflict women’s movement in Northern Ireland, it reflects on the power of creativity and innovation in altering institutional dynamics during times of transition.


Author(s):  
Monica Lloyd

This chapter charts the author’s own learning pathway as a senior forensic psychologist working with those convicted of terrorist offences in the UK, from the Maze prison in Northern Ireland as a senior member of HM Inspectorate of Prisons during the period of the Good Friday Peace Agreement in 1998, through to casework in England & Wales with those convicted of terrorist offences between 2008 and 2011. These experiences created an ongoing research interest into the etiology of terrorist offending from a psychological perspective. Empirical work with convicted terrorist offenders over three years within a small team of psychologists informed a methodology for the assessment and management of the risk of terrorist re-offending for the British correctional system in 2012, and interventions to assist in their disengagement and/or desistance. This learning in turn informed the Prevent strand of the UK government’s counter-terrorism strategy for countering violent extremism in the community.2 More recently, as an academic this work has developed into a theorized typology of terrorists as more evidence has come to light about the contributions of criminality and individual psychopathology to terrorist violence. This chapter seeks to map this journey from empirical beginnings to emerging theory.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Modern traditions of activist media grow out of the increased opportunities for intervention into the public sphere created by the Internet and modern technology. In recent years online media activism has been said to have been at the centre of uprisings during the Arab Spring, the development of countercultural movements like Occupy and the populist right. In Northern Ireland, this form of activism emerged but it failed to diminish much older, deeply historic tradition of activist journalism and writing in Irish republicanism. Journals, pamphlets, newspapers and free sheets all persisted in the years after the signing of the Good Friday peace agreement providing a challenge to the narratives of digital utopianism and its claims for a public sphere dynamically and completely restructured by the Internet.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Paula Devine ◽  
Grace Kelly ◽  
Martina McAuley

Within the United Kingdom (UK), many of the arguments driving devolution and Brexit focused on equality. This article assesses how notions of equality have been shaped over the past two decades. Using a chronology of theoretical, political and public interpretations of equality between 1998 and 2018, the article highlights the shifting positions of Northern Ireland (NI) and the rest of the UK. NI once led the way in relation to equality legislation, and equality was the cornerstone of the Good Friday/Belfast peace agreement. However, the Equality Act 2010 in Great Britain meant that NI was left behind. The nature of future UK/EU relationships and how these might influence the direction and extent of the equality debate in the UK is unclear. While this article focuses on the UK, the questions that it raises have global application, due to the international influences on equality discourse and legislation.


Author(s):  
Jeremy B. Bierbach

Northern Ireland – United Kingdom – Republic of Ireland – Divergent development of Irish and British nationality law – Citizenship of the European Union – Good Friday Agreement – Brexit – Emma DeSouza – Family unity as a source of constitutional conflict – Reverse discrimination – Cross-border equality as a means of representation reinforcement – Richard Plender


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-82
Author(s):  
Eoin Magennis ◽  
Jordana Corrigan ◽  
Neale Blair ◽  
Deiric Ó Broin

Abstract Cross-border cooperation on the island of Ireland has a long history, if often a limited scope. The emergence of statutory North/South bodies after the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement of 1998 added a new dynamic. This paper argues that the further development of the Dublin–Belfast Economic Corridor will require key stakeholders to engage widely, not only with a private sector whose rationale will be greater levels of commercial activity along the Corridor but also with others who will bring additional agendas into discussion, including sustainability and quality of life. Political engagement will also be critical to ensure that the top-down support, in terms of investment and alignment with other policy priorities, is present. The framework for this collaboration is already in place, something that was absent in the 1990s. Actors and policy entrepreneurs who can bring together the different types of engagement on a cross-border basis are required.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
Rob Kitchin

This chapter investigates data interoperability and the difficulties in harmonizing data across jurisdictions, using Ireland/Northern Ireland and Metropolitan Boston as case studies. In the wake of the Good Friday Agreement and the peace process in Northern Ireland, cooperation between public sector bodies in the North and South had increased enormously. However, there was a dearth of cross-border datasets to formulate policy and inform decision-making. It quickly became apparent why there were few, detailed cross-border data visualizations and maps — it was very difficult to create single, common datasets. What was needed was data harmonization where agencies worked together to create comparable datasets. Metropolitan Boston has 101 local government departments, which means it has 101 data regimes. What this means is that, with the exception of data required for state/federal reporting, it is impossible to join datasets together to create comparable metro-wide datasets. This has a number of consequences, reducing spatial intelligence about the characteristics and performance of the city-region, fostering back-to-back planning, limiting potential data-driven innovations to urban governance and management, and stifling the benefits of open data.


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