Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 267-272
Author(s):  
Anna von der Goltz

The Conclusion summarizes and expands upon the findings of the book’s six chapters. It offers some overarching comments about how this study helps us to rethink the existing scholarship on 1968 and postwar German history more broadly. It highlights three contributions, in particular: revealing the striking political breadth and versatility of student activism around 1968 and the relational character of activism of the Left and centre-right; the book’s implications for writing histories of generation; and rethinking the long-term effects of 1968 on (West) German society to account for the manifold ways in which these years left their mark on Christian Democracy and the political culture of the late Federal Republic.

Author(s):  
Detlef Pollack ◽  
Gergely Rosta

The case of East Germany raises the question of why religion and church, which had fallen to an unprecedentedly low level after four decades of suppression, have not recovered since 1989. The repressive church politics of the SED were undoubtedly the decisive factor in the unique process of minoritizing churches in the GDR. However, other external factors such as increasing prosperity, socio-structural transformation, and the expansion of the leisure and entertainment sector played an important role, too. In addition, church activity itself probably also helped to weaken the social position of churches. The absence of a church renaissance after 1990 can be explained by several factors, such as the long-term effects of the break with tradition caused by the GDR system, the political and moral discrediting of the church by the state security service, and people’s dwindling confidence in the church, which was suddenly seen as a non-representative Western institution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Эдиль Канатбеков

В статье рассматривается политическая культура Кыргызстана как одна из важных основ политической жизни общества. Уделяется внимание на необходимость развития политической культуры общества, как фундаментальной основы цивилизации, основ существования общества и общественных отношений. В работе анализируется сущность политической культуры. Описывается проблема формирования политической культуры Кыргызстана как одной из актуальных тем, на протяжении многих лет. Рассматривается формирование и становление политической культуры Кыргызстана, как очень трудоёмкий и долговременный процесс, обусловленный определенными аспектами политико-культурологического характера. Политическая культура конкретной общности состоит из представлений индивидов, их взглядов, политических ценностей, политической идеологии и символики, политических норм, стандартов, стереотипов. Каждый субъект страны являясь гражданином так или иначе становиться свидетелем и даже участником политической реальности, тем самым на основе этих элементов и опыта человек формирует собственный взгляд и определяет для себя систему ценностей и линию поведения. Макалада Кыргызстандын саясий маданияты коомдун саясий турмушунун маанилүү негиздеринин бири катары каралат. Цивилизациянын фундаменталдык негизи, коомдун жана коомдук мамилелердин негиздеринин маңызы катары коомдун саясий маданиятын өнүктүрүү зарылдыгына көңүл бурулган. Изилдөө ишинде саясий маданияттын маани-маңызына анализ жүргүзүлгөн. Кыргызстанда саясий маданияттын калыптануу көйгөйү көп жылдардан бери актуалдуу темалардын бири катары эсептелинет. Кыргызстандын саясий маданиятынын калыптанышы жана калыптануусу саясий жана маданий мүнөздүн айрым аспектилерине байланыштуу өтө эмгекчил жана узак мөөнөттүү процесс катары каралат. Белгилүү бир коомдун саясий маданияты жеке адамдардын идеяларынан, алардын көз караштарынан, саясий баалуулуктарынан, саясий идеологиясынан жана символдорунан, саясий нормаларынан, стандарттарынан, стереотиптеринен турат. Өлкөнүн ар бир субъектиси, ошол өлкөнүн жараны болуп туруп, кандайдыр бир жол менен саясий чындыктын интригасынын күбөсү, ал тургай, катышуучусу болуп калат, ошентип, адам ушул элементтердин жана тажрыйбанын негизинде өзүнүн көз карашын калыптандырат жана өзү үчүн баалуулуктар системасын жана жүрүм-турум линиясын аныктайт. Тhe article considers the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the important foundations of the political life of society. Attention paid to the need to develop the political culture of society as the fundamental basis of civilization, the foundations of the existence of society and social relations. The paper analyzes the essence of political culture. The article describes the problem of forming the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the topical issues for many years. The article considers the formation and formation of the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as a very labor-intensive and long-term process, due to certain aspects of political and cultural character. Тhe Political culture of a particular community consists of individual representations, their views, political values, political ideology and symbols, political norms, standards, and stereotypes. Each subject of the country, being a citizen, in one way or another becomes a witness and even a participant in the intrigue of political reality, thereby the basis of these elements and experience, a person forms his own view and defines for himself a system of values and a line of behavior.


2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-13
Author(s):  
Patrick McGuinn

Three years after the passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), Patrick McGuinn reviews how the U.S. Department of Education has managed the approval process for state accountability plans, how state plans are shaping up as a result of their newfound flexibility, and what implementation challenges have emerged. States have required multiple iterations to submit plans that the Department of Education would approve, and state plans have met with criticism from multiple quarters and across the political spectrum. Some states have adopted new practices related to testing and which measures to use to assess schools. However, it is not yet clear what the long-term effects that the giving of greater flexibility to the states will have.


Author(s):  
Anna von der Goltz

This is the first book about West German centre-right students in 1968, a major moment of political and cultural contestation in the Federal Republic and indeed across much of the globe. Based on interviews with former activists and a wealth of new archival sources, it examines the ideas, experiences, and repertoires of activists we do not normally associate with 1968. Writing them back into the history of 1968 and its afterlives, as this book does, reveals that the protest movement of these years was a broader, more politically versatile, and, ultimately, even more consequential phenomenon than the traditionally narrower focus on left-wing radicals allows. Many of the protagonists of this book would later play major roles in Christian Democratic politics, especially during the era of Helmut Kohl. By tracing their influence on German political culture, this study helps us to understand why the age of Christian Democracy was interrupted but never really ended in the Federal Republic—at least until now.


Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang

Autocrats use repression to deter opposition. Are they successful in the long run? The author argues that state repression can have long-lasting alienating effects on citizens’ political attitudes and coercive effects on their political behavior. The article evaluates this proposition by studying the long-term effects of state terror during China's Cultural Revolution. It shows that individuals who grew up in localities that were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of national political leaders and more critical of the country's political system today. These anti-regime attitudes are more likely to be passed down to the younger generation if family members discuss politics frequently than if they do not. Yet while state repression has created anti-regime attitudes, it has decreased citizens’ contentious behavior. These findings highlight the dilemma that authoritarian rulers face when they seek to consolidate their rule through repression.


Author(s):  
Robert Von Friedeburg

This article traces the origins of German history; the outcome the Western Federal Republic of 1949–1989, curiously similar to the Eastern Franconian Empire of Ludwig the German emerging with the treaty of Verdun, and the unified Germany at the second half of the twentieth century. Early modern Germans had a wide number of varying and partly contradictory ideas about the relation of empire, nation, and fatherland. This article traces the establishment of Germany as an empire and nation. The German lands were marked by conflicts and tensions between emperors and popes, kings and higher nobility, and among regions under varying degrees of royal influence and control. This article explains pluralism in German society and the eventual formation of the territorial German state, whether the Bonn or Berlin Federal Republic is seen to be the true representative of modern Germany, the territorial state seems to remain unavoidably at center stage.


2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Jerry Z. Muller

German neoconservatism and its role in the political culture of the Federal Republic is largely uncharted scholarly territory. Especially for English-language historians and political scientists, its place on the historical map is marked, “Here lie monsters.” This article is intended not as a definitive treatment, but as a sketch suggesting the contours of the subject. It has become commonplace to regard 1968 as a pivotal year in the history of the Bundesrepublik. This article suggests that this may be true in a broader sense than is usually meant: that the significance of 1968 derives not only from the 68ers and their transformation of the political culture of the left, but also from the neoconservative reaction to the 68ers, which helped recast the political culture of the non-left. The article begins by exploring some of the difficulties in getting a conceptual and definitional handle on German neoconservatism. It then proceeds to examine in some depth the career and ideas of one of the most prominent German neoconservatives, Hermann Lübbe. Then the article discusses several key issues, events, and processes that defined neoconservatism, before touching briefly on the reasons for its dissolution as a coherent phenomenon and reflecting on its place in the history of the Bundesrepublik.


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