Poland

2021 ◽  
pp. 745-766
Author(s):  
Tamara Popic

This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the universal health system in Poland, financed through social health insurance. It traces the development of the Polish healthcare system under communism, characterized by a complete shift from an insurance system to a state-run Soviet Semashko model of healthcare with some elements of private provision. Since 1989, Polish health policy went through systemic changes which included a shift to a decentralized social health insurance system in the late 1990s and re-centralization in 2001. Polish healthcare politics has been turbulent, marked by political instability matched by a dense network of veto points, including the President and the judiciary, that had an impact on the direction of health reforms. As the chapter highlights, some of the main issues have been high out-of-pocket payments, corruption, and privatization and commercialization of public hospitals.

2021 ◽  
pp. 918-928
Author(s):  
Tamara Popic

This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the universal health system in Serbia based on compulsory social health insurance. It traces the development of the Serbian healthcare system after the breakup of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, characterized by a move from the self-managed insurance model to a more standard Bismarckian health insurance system combined with passive privatization. Despite efforts to restructure healthcare provision through a reform in 2005, the system’s two-tier structure remains firmly entrenched, protected by professional interests. The chapter highlights other healthcare issues including long waiting lists and corruption.


2021 ◽  
pp. 816-856
Author(s):  
Guergana Stolarov-Demuth

This chapter provides an extended look at health politics and the compulsory health insurance system in Bulgaria. It traces the historical development of the Bulgarian healthcare system characterized by the introduction of social health insurance, which after the establishment of communist rule in Bulgaria after World War II was replaced with a state-run healthcare system. Starting in 1989, Bulgaria underwent a transition to democracy and free market economy. This triggered structural healthcare reforms, including the re-introduction of social health insurance with both public and private provision. However, as privatization was permitted without effective price control mechanisms and conditions for entry into the public insurance system, out-of-pocket payments became extensive, especially for pharmaceuticals. The main reform challenges have been to close the coverage gaps and secure sufficient financing by stipulating selective contracting with hospitals, strengthening the control on pharmaceuticals, and tightening the collection of insurance contributions. While political debates were initially structured along traditional left–right political party lines, since 2001 new center-right parties have shaped Bulgarian health politics. Nevertheless, the reform process still suffered from lack of continuity, and private interest groups have successfully blocked cost-containment policies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 788-808
Author(s):  
Tamara Popic

This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the universal health system in Slovenia based on compulsory social health insurance. It traces the development of the Slovenian healthcare system from the first health insurance schemes to the more established insurance system with universal coverage and focus on social medicine under communism. Since its independence in 1992, Slovenian politics has been marked by a pragmatic model of party competition with an important role in healthcare policymaking played by neo-corporatist structures. The major post-communist reform was the introduction of complementary private health insurance in 1993, which covers the majority of the population. Several unsuccessful reform proposals sought the abolition of complementary private insurance, the fairness of which remains the most controversial question regarding the system. Other healthcare issues outlined in the chapter include large hospital debt and uneven distribution of primary care physicians.


Author(s):  
Ching Yuen Luk

This study uses a refined version of historical institutionalism to critically examine the complex interplay of forces that shape the health insurance reform trajectory in China since the mid-1980s and identifies problems that impede the government from achieving universal health coverage (UHC). It shows that China's multi-layered social health insurance system has covered more than 95 percent of its population, but failed to provide insured people with access to a range of essential services and make health care affordable. To achieve UHC, the government has to overcome significant hurdles, which include the inherently discriminatory design of the social health insurance system, disorder in the drug distribution system, deficits in the funding of health insurance, and insufficient medical protection for the old people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. e004117
Author(s):  
Aniqa Islam Marshall ◽  
Kanang Kantamaturapoj ◽  
Kamonwan Kiewnin ◽  
Somtanuek Chotchoungchatchai ◽  
Walaiporn Patcharanarumol ◽  
...  

Participatory and responsive governance in universal health coverage (UHC) systems synergistically ensure the needs of citizens are protected and met. In Thailand, UHC constitutes of three public insurance schemes: Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme, Social Health Insurance and Universal Coverage Scheme. Each scheme is governed through individual laws. This study aimed to identify, analyse and compare the legislative provisions related to participatory and responsive governance within the three public health insurance schemes and draw lessons that can be useful for other low-income and middle-income countries in their legislative process for UHC. The legislative provisions in each policy document were analysed using a conceptual framework derived from key literature. The results found that overall the UHC legislative provisions promote citizen representation and involvement in UHC governance, implementation and management, support citizens’ ability to voice concerns and improve UHC, protect citizens’ access to information as well as ensure access to and provision of quality care. Participatory governance is legislated in 33 sections, of which 23 are in the Universal Coverage Scheme, 4 in the Social Health Insurance and none in the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme. Responsive governance is legislated in 24 sections, of which 18 are in the Universal Coverage Scheme, 2 in the Social Health Insurance and 4 in the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme. Therefore, while several legislative provisions on both participatory and responsive governance exist in the Thai UHC, not all schemes equally bolster citizen participation and government responsiveness. In addition, as legislations are merely enabling factors, adequate implementation capacity and commitment to the legislative provisions are equally important.


BMJ Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. e044322
Author(s):  
Wenqi Fu ◽  
Jufang Shi ◽  
Xin Zhang ◽  
Chengcheng Liu ◽  
Chengyao Sun ◽  
...  

ObjectivesTo determine the incidence and intensity of household impoverishment induced by cancer treatment in China.DesignAverage income and daily consumption per capita of the households and out-of-pocket payments for cancer care were estimated. Household impoverishment was determined by comparing per capita daily consumption against the Chinese poverty line (CPL, US$1.2) and the World Bank poverty line (WBPL, US$1.9) for 2015. Both pre-treatment and post-treatment consumptions were calculated assuming that the households would divert daily consumption money to pay for cancer treatment.ParticipantsCancer patients diagnosed initially from 1 January 2015 to 31 December 2016 who had received cancer treatment subsequently. Those with multiple cancer diagnoses were excluded.Data sourcesA household questionnaire survey was conducted on 2534 cancer patients selected from nine hospitals in seven provinces through two-stage cluster/convenience sampling.Findings5.89% (CPL) to 12.94% (WBPL) households were impoverished after paying for cancer treatment. The adjusted OR (AOR) of post-treatment impoverishment was higher for older patients (AOR=2.666–4.187 for ≥50 years vs <50 years, p<0.001), those resided in central region (AOR=2.619 vs eastern, p<0.01) and those with lower income (AOR=0.024–0.187 in higher income households vs the lowest 20%, p<0.001). The patients without coverage from social health insurance had higher OR (AOR=1.880, p=0.040) of experiencing post-treatment household impoverishment than those enrolled with the insurance for urban employees. Cancer treatment is associated with an increase of 5.79% (CPL) and 12.45% (WBPL) in incidence of household impoverishment. The median annual consumption gap per capita underneath the poverty line accumulated by the impoverished households reached US$128 (CPL) or US$212 (WBPL). US$31 170 395 (CPL) or US$115 238 459 (WBPL) were needed to avoid household impoverishment induced by cancer treatment in China.ConclusionsThe financial burden of cancer treatment imposes a significant risk of household impoverishment despite wide coverage of social health insurance in China.


F1000Research ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 238
Author(s):  
Roger V. Araujo-Castillo ◽  
Carlos Culquichicón ◽  
Risof Solis Condor

Introduction: Since its introduction by the World Health Organization (WHO), the concept of burden of disease has been evolving. The current method uses life expectancy projected to 2050 and does not consider age-weighting and time-discounting. Our aim is to estimate the burden of disease due to hip, knee, and unspecified osteoarthritis using this new method in the Peruvian Social Health Insurance System (EsSalud) during 2016. Methods: We followed the original 1994 WHO study and the current 2015 Global Burden of Disease (GBD) methods to estimate disability adjusted life years (DALY) due to osteoarthritis, categorized by sex, age, osteoarthritis type, and geographical area. We used disability weights employed by the Peruvian Ministry of Health, and the last update issued by WHO. Results: Overall, EsSalud reported 17.9 new cases of osteoarthritis per 1000 patients per year. Annual incidence was 23.7/1000 among women, and 72.6/1000 in people above 60 years old. Incidence was 5.6/1000 for knee osteoarthritis and 1.1/1000 for hip. According to the 1994 WHO method, there were 399,884 DALYs or 36.6 DALYs/1000 patients per year due to osteoarthritis. 12.4 and 2.2 DALYs/1000 patients per-year were estimated for knee and hip osteoarthritis, respectively. Using the 2015 GBD method, there were 1,037,865 DALYs or 94.9 DALYs/1000 patients per year. 31.4 and 5.3 DALYs/1000 patients per year were calculated for knee and hip osteoarthritis, respectively. Conclusions: In the Peruvian social health insurance subsystem, hip, knee, and unspecified osteoarthritis produced a high burden of disease, especially among women and patients over 60. The 2015 GBD methodology yields values almost three times higher than the original recommendations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 929-938
Author(s):  
Natalija Perišić

This chapter examines health politics and the health system in Montenegro based on compulsory social health insurance. It traces the post-communist development of the Montenegrin healthcare system that started with incremental privatization and continued toward a more decisive move toward liberalization through the 2004 reforms, which included, among other elements, a stronger role of private healthcare delivery and the introduction of different types of voluntary insurance. As the chapter notes, the main issues facing the health system in Montenegro are incomplete coverage, limited access to healthcare, and lack of regulation of private healthcare provision.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document