Towards an Analyses of the Mega-Political Jurisprudence of the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice

Author(s):  
Olabisi D. Akinkugbe

This chapter fills the gap in the judicialization of mega-political disputes before the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Community Court of Justice (ECOWAS Court). Judicialization of mega-political disputes in this Court has until now been understudied. Although the ECOWAS Court lacks an express mandate to adjudicate over political disputes, the Court has been innovative in assuming jurisdiction over mega-political disputes when these disputes are intertwined with actual or potential human rights violations. The Ugokwe doctrine, enunciated in the case of, Dr. Jerry Ugokwe v. The Federal Republic of Nigeria and Dr. Christian Okeke, established the “cause of action” for the judicialization of mega-political disputes before the ECOWAS Court. By examining cases that have largely remained obscure, the chapter uncovers the judicialization of political disputes, particularly of electoral cases, before the ECOWAS Court. Unlike the traditional scholarship that measures effectiveness based on compliance with the decisions of the courts, the chapter argues that the significance of the mega-political disputes judicialized before Africa’s regional courts derives from the instrumental objectives of the litigants. By incorporating the social, political, and economic contexts that gave rise to the francophone and anglophone cases analyzed, the chapter illuminates the judicialization of mega-political disputes in ways that are not wedded to the traditional analyses of the functions of regional economic courts.

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amos O. Enabulele ◽  
Anthony Osaro Ewere

This article highlights a major source of tension between the Supplementary Protocol of the Economic Community of West Africa States Community Court of Justice (ECOWAS CCJ) and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (CFRN), in relation to the enforcement of economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights against Nigeria, as manifested in a recent decision of the ECOWAS CCJ in Registered Trustees of the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) v Federal Republic of Nigeria and Universal Basic Education Commission. The focus of this article on the tension is both from the perspective of Nigerian law and of the ECOWAS CCJ. It argues that while the CFRN cannot deprive the ECOWAS CCJ of the jurisdiction expressly given to it by its Protocols, the CFRN does have implications for the enforcement of any decision of the ECOWAS CCJ that offends its provisions within the CFRN sphere of superiority.


2021 ◽  
Vol 194 ◽  
pp. 29-65

29Human rights — Freedom of expression — Free speech — Journalists — Restriction of access to public information — Criminalization of defamation, sedition and insult — Torture and inhuman or degrading treatment — Unlawful and arbitrary detention — Living in exile — Whether Gambian laws violating rights of journalistsTreaties — Human rights treaties — Treaty obligations — Obligations under regional and international human rights treaties — Compliance of arrest and detention with treaty obligations — Compliance of Gambia’s libel, sedition and false news publication laws with its treaty obligations — African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1981 — Revised Treaty of the Economic Community of West African States, 1993 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948International tribunals — Jurisdiction — Community Court of Justice of Economic Community of West African States — Non-applicability of exhaustion of domestic remedies — Statute of limitations — Interpretation of Article 9(3) Supplementary Protocol, 2005 — Whether statute of limitations applicable — Whether Community Court of Justice decisions affirming statutory limitation to be overruled — Whether Court having jurisdiction


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-137
Author(s):  
A.O. Enabulele

AbstractOnly recently, the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States, which was hitherto opened only to Community States, was expanded to allow direct human rights violation claims by individuals. Though the court has since started to function, its impact is yet to be felt ‐ citizens of recalcitrant Community States still live in wanton violation of their rights in most of the States, where national courts are weak and effective remedies for rights violations largely nonexistent. This is consequent upon the failure of Community States to align their national laws with the new legal order represented by the Community Court; national laws and indeed national courts are still very hostile to the court and its judgements, thereby discouraging citizens from attending the court. This Article takes a look at the relevant provisions of the constitutions of Community States and advocates an urgent need for the cooperation to be forged between national legal systems and the community legal system through the amendment of hostile laws, as a prerequisite to the achievement of the virile community legal order.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 737-779 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter ◽  
Laurence Helfer ◽  
Jacqueline R. McAllister

The Community Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS Court) is an increasingly active and bold adjudicator of human rights. Since acquiring jurisdiction over human rights complaints in 2005, theECOWASCourt has issued numerous decisions condemning human rights violations by the member states of the Economic Community of West African States (Community). Among this Court’s path-breaking cases are judgments against Niger for condoning modern forms of slavery and against Nigeria for impeding the right to free basic education for all children. TheECOWASCourt also has broad access and standing rules that permit individuals and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to bypass national courts and file suits directly with the Court. Although the Court is generally careful in the proof that it requires of complainants and in the remedies that it demands of governments, it has not shied away from politically courageous decisions, such as rulings against the Gambia for the torture of journalists and against Nigeria for failing to regulate multinational companies that have degraded the environment of the oil-rich Niger Delta.


2010 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solomon T Ebobrah

AbstractA new opportunity for international human rights litigation in West Africa was presented in 2005 when the Economic Community of West African States adopted a protocol to empower its judicial organ, the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice, to determine cases of human rights violation that occur in ECOWAS member states. Since then, several human rights claims have been brought before the court. However, critical questions concerning the legality of the new mandate and the suitability of the court to exercise a human rights jurisdiction have lingered. Beginning with an inquiry into the foundation within ECOWAS for the exercise of a human rights jurisdiction, this article analyses the legitimacy of the human rights mandate of the ECOWAS court and interrogates crucial issues relevant to the effectiveness of the mandate. The article suggests ways to enhance execution of the mandate and concludes with a call for careful judicial navigation in the exercise of the court's expanded jurisdiction.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kangnikoé Bado

One of the major innovations made by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is the unequivocal granting of a supranational role to the Court of Justice of the organisation. However, its human rights mandate has led to real and potential tensions within the ECOWAS legal order. The tensions stem from the legal force of judgments of constitutional courts of member states and the admissibility of individual petitions before the Court. This work identifies some deficiencies in the current regime of the human rights mandate of the Court. Gaps exist at the level of the member states’ constitutional order, as well as at the community level. The supranational competence of the jurisdiction must be implemented by the possibility of ordering concrete measures to be taken by states for the reparation of human rights violations. Innovative solutions are suggested in this work in order to fill procedural and substantial gaps in the protection system established in West Africa.


Author(s):  
Obiora C. Okafor ◽  
Okechukwu J. Effoduh

This chapter examines the extent to which the human rights case-law of the Community Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States is either pro-elite or pro-poor. Without assuming that “pro-human rights” necessarily translates to “pro-poor,” the chapter discusses how the Court functions more as a resource for local pro-poor activists than as a tool in the hands of anti-poor elements. The chapter conceptualizes expressions such as “the poor,” “sovereign hurdles,” “brainy relays,” and “flipped strategic social constructivism” to undergird its analysis. For example, the authors analyze the extent to which activists’ forces, acting as brainy relays, co-created and enhanced normative resources in a process styled in the chapter as “flipped strategic social constructivism.” The chapter also demonstrates the ways in which the court has been a valuable resource to the domestic activist forces who together with the Court have worked to advance the social conditions of the West African poor. Finally, the chapter examines the gaps that militate against such pro-poor activism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sunday Babalola Ajulo

Articles 6(e) and 15(1–4) of the ECOWAS Revised Treaty (1993) provide for the establishment of a Court of Justice of the Community. These provisions should, however, be read along with those of the Protocol on the Community Court of Justice initialled in 1991. Attempts have been made to analyse various aspects of the institutions of the Community, including the Court of Justice. While Bankole Thompson examined the legal problems of the economic integration in West Africa, Kofi Oteng Kufuor attempted to look at the Court of Justice from the angle of compliance with its judgments by member states. Denakin, for his part, appraised generally the prospects of the Court.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (Supplement) ◽  
pp. 86-109
Author(s):  
Kehinde Ibrahim

The judgments of the ECOWAS Court, which are final and immediately binding, are vital for the realisation of ECOWAS aims and objectives. The enforcement of its judgments is particularly important in the case of individuals whose enjoyment of fundamental human rights, as guaranteed under the ECOWAS Community laws, is dependent on effective enforcement. Yet, an existential puzzling paradox emanates through a poor record in the implementation of the ECOWAS Court's judgments. This problem, which is not limited to the West African region deserves scrutiny and concrete proposals. Legal and political considerations surface in assessing the existence of this paradox, and despite the lack of a consistent political will, to implement the decisions of ECOWAS Court relevant judicial actors have roles to play. National courts could take a bolder approach in complementing the work of the ECOWAS Court. The ECOWAS Court itself could put in place concrete mechanisms and adopt certain practices to address this poor record of non-implementation. It is yet to be seen how substantive mechanisms would work in practice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country.  However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.


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