The Regulatory World of Agri-food: Politics, Power, and Conventions

Author(s):  
Kevin Morgan ◽  
Terry Marsden ◽  
Jonathan Murdoch

The history of agriculture in developed countries over the past seventy years is first and foremost a political history because of the intense interplay between farming and the state. Indeed, it is difficult to think of any other ‘industry’ which has been so comprehensively regulated by the state, over such a long period of time, as agriculture. Even neo-liberal governments in OECD countries have accepted the political compact between farming and the state on account of the ‘exceptionalism’ of agriculture. The rationale for its exceptional status might vary from country to country, but it invariably has something to do with one major aspect that distinguishes agriculture from all other industries: the fact that we ingest its products. In other words, the centrality of agriculture to human health is far and away the most important reason why many countries have sought to ensure a measure of food security by protecting their national farm sectors through permutations of production subsidies, price supports, and import controls—the origins of which stretch back to the 1930s in the case of the US and as far back as the nineteenth-century Corn Laws in the case, for example, of the UK. Agricultural history can be read in a number of different ways. The most polarized readings are the productivist and the ecological interpretations. The productivist discourse, which emphasizes the phenomenal productivity gains that have been achieved since the Second World War, is essentially a story of unalloyed economic success due to a tripartite alliance of state, science, and farmers. The ecological discourse, by contrast, points not to the economic benefits of the post-war productivity miracle, but to the social and environmental costs of agricultural intensification. In the US, where intensive farming practices are most advanced, such problems as soil erosion and animal welfare were attributed to the regulatory regime operated by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), which actively encouraged unsustainable farming practices. Similar connections have been made in Europe, where the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was deemed to be the main culprit.

Mathematics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
José A. Tenreiro Machado ◽  
Maria Eugénia Mata ◽  
António M. Lopes

In this paper, the fractional calculus (FC) and pseudo-phase space (PPS) techniques are combined for modeling the dynamics of world economies, leading to a new approach for forecasting a country’s gross domestic product. In most market economies, the decline of the post-war prosperity brought challenging rivalries to the Western world. Considerable social, political, and military unrest is today spreading in major capital cities of the world. As global troubles including mass migrations and more abound, countries’ performance as told by PPS approaches can help to assess national ambitions, commercial aggression, or hegemony in the current global environment. The 1973 oil shock was the turning point for a long-run crisis. A PPS approach to the last five decades (1970–2018) demonstrates that convergence has been the rule. In a sample of 15 countries, Turkey, Russia, Mexico, Brazil, Korea, and South Africa are catching-up to the US, Canada, Japan, Australia, Germany, UK, and France, showing similarity in many respects with these most developed countries. A substitution of the US role as great power in favor of China may still be avoided in the next decades, while India remains in the tail. The embedding of the two mathematical techniques allows a deeper understanding of the fractional dynamics exhibited by the world economies. Additionally, as a byproduct we obtain a foreseeing technique for estimating the future evolution based on the memory of the time series.


2005 ◽  
Vol 07 (03) ◽  
pp. 331-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARY E. DAVIS

What determines the environmental regulatory regime of a country or region? This paper addresses the question in detail, using the US and its widely varying environmental policies as the case study. What factors lead some US states to pass strict environmental regulations, while others are content with the baseline standards required at the national level? This work outlines the state environmental choice as a trade-off between the desires of consumers (who want better environmental quality) and of producers (who want less restrictive environmental standards). A rational state legislator maximises her chances of being re-elected by balancing these two competing forces when setting environmental policy. I test this model by directly analysing the state decision to adopt more restrictive sulfur dioxide regulations than those required by the federal government under the Environmental Protection Agency's "National Ambient Air Quality Standards" program. The statistical results suggest that legislators weigh the relative influence of consumer and producer groups when setting sulfur dioxide standards, in addition to accounting for meteorological influences that affect the cost of compliance with stricter environmental regulations. Limited evidence is also provided to support an inverted-U shaped relationship between income levels and environmental regulations.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Bondaruk

The US foreign policy serves as an example for other countries, as it is one of the most developed countries in the world. For a better understanding of the features of contemporary foreign policy, the preconditions for its formation are determined. The history of the United States of America has been analyzed, which has inevitably influenced the formation of its current foreign policy and geostrategy. The political system of the country is defined as one of the direct factors influencing the formation of foreign policy. It is revealed that the very political preconditions create the legal basis for the existence and development of foreign policy, and therefore their study is very important for a deeper understanding of the vectors, principles and means of implementing the modern foreign policy of any state, namely, the United States. The internal economic situation, structure and development of the country’s economy, as well as problems and challenges on the way to the development of the national economy that are directly relevant for defining the functions, priorities and directions of foreign policy are considered. After all, it is the economy that is one of the most important factors shaping the foreign economic strategy of the state, which is an important factor in the formation of foreign economic relations and politics in general. It is proved that the geopolitical situation is the main factor for the definition of foreign policy vectors of the state. The geographic and geopolitical location of the state, in this case, the United States, defines the directions and vectors of the foreign policy of the state. The article explores all the factors and preconditions for the formation of US foreign policy during the presidency of Bill Clinton and his predecessors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
A. A. Sidorov

Signing of the Japanese Instrument of Surrender on September 2, 1945 had formally ended the most destructive and bloody war in the history of mankind. Even before that a new balance of power on the international arena began to form, that would persist for almost half a century. At the same time, it was obvious from the outright that the Allies had very different views on how the post-war world order should look like. Traditionally, both Russian and foreign academic literature focused on their disputes regarding the German question. This paper provides a brief overview of the US Department of State planning and recommendation process for the post-war reconstruction of Japan in 1939–1945, which had eventually led to the formation of the socalled San Francisco subsystem of international relations. The first section of the paper outlines the challenges faced by the State Department when it came to planning the post-war architecture of the Far East. In that regard, the author pays particular attention to the staff shortage, which forced the Department of State to strengthen partnership with private research organizations and involve them in long-term planning.The author emphasizes that if before the United States entered the war the US planners adopted a rather tough stance on Japan, after the attack on Pearl Harbor their approaches paradoxically changed. The second section examines the contradictions and tensions between those politicians and experts who believed that in the establishment of the post-war order in the Far East the US should cooperate with China, and those who promoted rapprochement with Japan. These groups were unofficially referred to as the ‘Chinese team’ and the ‘Japanese crowd’ accordingly. The paper shows that as the end of the war approached, these contradictions gradually faded into the background. The needs to promote the interdepartmental cooperation and to reconcile the positions of the State Department, the Military and Naval Ministries on the future of Japan came to the fore. This work resulted in a series of memoranda, which laid the foundation for the US post-war policy towards Japan. In conclusion the author provides a general assessment of the strategic decision-making process in the United States during wartime and emphasizes its consistency, thoroughness and flexibility. As a result, it enabled the US to achieve what seemed impossible: to turn Japan from an ardent adversary of the United States in the Pacific into one of its most reliable allies, and it remains such today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Annisa Justisia Tirtakoesoemah ◽  
Muhammad Rusli Arafat

<p><em>Intellectual property rights by nature provide economic benefits to the creator or holder of copyright and also to the state. Among the European countries that are members of the Euroean Union (EU) and in America, this awareness of economic benefits has been firmly planted. In these developed countries, several economic studies have been conducted which have proven the rapid growth of copyright contribution to the national income of the country. The need to recognize, protect and reward individuals or companies for their inventions and access to their work for the benefit of humans is beginning to be felt in Indonesia. In the context of copyright ownership over anything related to intellectual property rights, the law acts and guarantees the creator to control and enjoy exclusively the results of his work and if necessary with the assistance of the state for law enforcement. The results showed that legal protection can be carried out with supervision by the government and involves legal entities that already have the authority, socializing both the creators of a work or the copyright holder of a related rights product on the importance of registering or recording the work and the copyright holder submits lawsuit to the Commercial Court.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong></p><p><em><em>Legal Protection, Intellectual Property Rights, Copyright, Legal Entity</em><br /></em></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 146349962198913
Author(s):  
George Baca

Many anthropologists interpret neoliberalism as a radical break from and dangerous rupture in post-war societies that featured Keynesian economic policies and welfare provision. The allure of a mythic welfare state has boosted John Maynard Keynes’s popularity to many who embrace certain facets of socialism. Many critical social scientists have embraced Keynesianism in ways that overlook how the US used Keynesian policies to reengineer and redeploy state power. Keynes’s liberal synthesis inspired managers in the US Treasury Department to understand depression-era problems of unemployment and poverty in ways that were consonant with the expansion of corporate power. For understanding Keynesianism, as it actually existed during the Cold War, we must analyse how the US Treasury and State Departments used Keynesian principles to rebuild the social reproductive capacities necessary for capitalist accumulation both domestically and in Western Europe. I focus on how the architects of post-war capitalism used full employment policies, labour laws and welfare provision to renovate the nexus of political practices and institutional structures in ways that formed a benevolent and caring image of ‘the state’ and the myth of a class compromise. Through these reforms, governmental planners and administrators used the ‘state idea’ to reorganize capital accumulation as if the post-war economy would represent ordinary people’s best interests. In the process, these sophisticated practices of power became reified as the ‘welfare state’ and the ‘Keynesian compromise’ in ways that endow these institutions and policies with a character divorced from practices of power. The post-war state embodied a dialectic of repression and reform that combined criminalizing dissent with full employment policies and welfare provision. Taking these aspects of power into account, we can see post-war Keynesianism in ways that inspire a robust and far-reaching criticism of the contemporary predicament of economic uncertainty, political instability and environmental degradation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Miftahul Umam ◽  
Ridwan Arifin

<p><em>Intellectual property rights by nature provide economic benefits to the creator or holder of copyright and also to the state. Among the European countries that are members of the Euroean Union (EU) and in America, this awareness of economic benefits has been firmly planted. In these developed countries, several economic studies have been conducted which have proven the rapid growth of copyright contribution to the national income of the country. The need to recognize, protect and reward individuals or companies for their inventions and access to their work for the benefit of humans is beginning to be felt in Indonesia. In the context of copyright ownership over anything related to intellectual property rights, the law acts and guarantees the creator to control and enjoy exclusively the results of his work and if necessary with the assistance of the state for law enforcement. The results showed that legal protection can be carried out with supervision by the government and involves legal entities that already have the authority, socializing both the creators of a work or the copyright holder of a related rights product on the importance of registering or recording the work and the copyright holder submits lawsuit to the Commercial Court.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong></p><p><em><em>Legal Protection, Intellectual Property Rights, Copyright, Legal Entity</em><br /></em></p>


2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 1850059
Author(s):  
J. Robert Vastine

The paper analyzes the state of play in the negotiations and the challenges facing meaningful services trade liberalization in the Doha Round. In tracing the treatment of services in the WTO, the reasons are examined for the success of the 1997 financial and telecommunications services negotiations and how those negotiations marked the entry of services companies and associations as advocates for services liberalization in the WTO. High expectations for substantial reductions in barriers to services trade emerged from the 1997 negotiations, but thus far remain unfulfilled. In the Doha Round the quality of offers has been poor and little progress has been made primarily because many WTO Members cannot perceive the economic benefits of trade liberalization. It is argued that this Round’s success is contingent upon the ability of the developed countries to respond to the legitimate concerns of the developing countries. However, too much attention has been given to trying to find a formula for services liberalization and not enough on hard bilateral bargaining. After analyzing various proposals put forth to jumpstart the talks, the paper suggests grouping key WTO Members and identifying “incentives that will motivate those groups.” The countries of greatest interest to the United States can be divided into three groups. Offers in agriculture, temporary entry, and emergency safeguards would appeal to each of these and provide a basis for progress. It is concluded that “a Doha Round that does not contain substantial benefits for services is a Round that will have failed” and will not have industry support if it is to be implemented by the US Congress. J. Robert Vastine is the President of US Coalition of Service Industries (CSI) in Washington, DC. Prior to joining the CSI, he served as President of the Congressional Economic Leadership Institute, a bi-partisan, non-profit foundation that helps educate Congress on issues affecting US economic competitiveness. His extensive Capitol Hill experience includes posts as Staff Director of the Senate Republican Conference, Minority Staff Director of the Senate Committee on Government Affairs; Legislative Director for Senator John H. Chafee of Rhode Island; and Legislative Assistant for Congressman Thomas B. Curtis of Missouri. His Executive Branch experience includes service as Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for International Trade and Raw Materials Policy and Vice President of the Oversight Board of the Resolution Trust Corporation, which was chaired by Secretaries of the Treasury Brady and Bentsen, and he has had extensive private-sector experience. Vastine is Chairman of the official Industry Trade Advisory Committee for International Trade in Services (ITAC 10), which advises the US Trade Representative. He was a fellow of the Institute of Politics of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, and has written a number of articles on US trade policy. Vastine is a graduate of Haverford College and the Johns Hopkins University School for Advanced International Studies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.


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