scholarly journals Neoliberalism’s prologue: Keynesianism, myths of class compromises and the restoration of class power

2021 ◽  
pp. 146349962198913
Author(s):  
George Baca

Many anthropologists interpret neoliberalism as a radical break from and dangerous rupture in post-war societies that featured Keynesian economic policies and welfare provision. The allure of a mythic welfare state has boosted John Maynard Keynes’s popularity to many who embrace certain facets of socialism. Many critical social scientists have embraced Keynesianism in ways that overlook how the US used Keynesian policies to reengineer and redeploy state power. Keynes’s liberal synthesis inspired managers in the US Treasury Department to understand depression-era problems of unemployment and poverty in ways that were consonant with the expansion of corporate power. For understanding Keynesianism, as it actually existed during the Cold War, we must analyse how the US Treasury and State Departments used Keynesian principles to rebuild the social reproductive capacities necessary for capitalist accumulation both domestically and in Western Europe. I focus on how the architects of post-war capitalism used full employment policies, labour laws and welfare provision to renovate the nexus of political practices and institutional structures in ways that formed a benevolent and caring image of ‘the state’ and the myth of a class compromise. Through these reforms, governmental planners and administrators used the ‘state idea’ to reorganize capital accumulation as if the post-war economy would represent ordinary people’s best interests. In the process, these sophisticated practices of power became reified as the ‘welfare state’ and the ‘Keynesian compromise’ in ways that endow these institutions and policies with a character divorced from practices of power. The post-war state embodied a dialectic of repression and reform that combined criminalizing dissent with full employment policies and welfare provision. Taking these aspects of power into account, we can see post-war Keynesianism in ways that inspire a robust and far-reaching criticism of the contemporary predicament of economic uncertainty, political instability and environmental degradation.

2021 ◽  

This volume examines Arnold Gehlen’s theory of the state from his philosophy of the state in the 1920s via his political and cultural anthropology to his impressive critique of the post-war welfare state. The systematic analyses the book contains by leading scholars in the social sciences and the humanities examine the interplay between the theory and history of the state with reference to the broader context of the history of ideas. Students and researchers as well as other readers interested in this subject will find this book offers an informative overview of how one of the most wide-ranging and profound thinkers of the twentieth century understands the state. With contributions by Oliver Agard, Heike Delitz, Joachim Fischer, Andreas Höntsch, Tim Huyeng, Rastko Jovanov, Frank Kannetzky, Christine Magerski, Zeljko Radinkovic, Karl-Siegbert Rehberg and Christian Steuerwald.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 269-276
Author(s):  
Doğa Başar Sariipek ◽  
Gökçe Cerev ◽  
Bora Yenihan

The focus of this paper is the interaction between social innovation and restructuring welfare state. Modern welfare states have been reconfiguring their welfare mixes through social innovation. This includes a productive integration of formal and informal actors with support and leading role of the state. This collaboration becomes significantly important since it means the integration of not only the actors, but also their capabilities and resources in today’s world where new social risks and new social challenges have emerged and no actor can overcome these by its own. Therefore, social innovation is a useful tool in the new role sharing within the welfare mix in order to reach higher levels of satisfaction and success in welfare provision. The main point here is that this is not a zero-sum competition; gaining more power of the actors other than the state – the market, civil society organisations and the family – does not necessarily mean that the state lost its leading role and power. This is rather a new type of cooperation among actors and their capabilities as well as their resources in welfare provision. In this sense, social innovation may contribute well to the debates over the financial crisis of the welfare state since it may lead to the more wisely use of existing resources of welfare actors. Thanks to social innovative programs, not only the NGOs, but also market forces as well as citizens are more active to access welfare provisions and social protection in the broadest sense. Thus, social innovative strategies are definitely a solid step taken towards “enabling” or “active” welfare state.


2000 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 105-120
Author(s):  
Melanie Phillips

Once upon a time, there was a consensus in this country that the welfare state was the jewel in the crown of the post-war settlement. It was a national badge of moral worth. It was held to embody certain virtues that people told themselves were the hallmark of a civilised society: altruism, equity, dignity, fellowship. It defined Britain as a co-operative exercise which bound us together into a cohesive society. Or so we told ourselves.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
HUGH BOCHEL ◽  
ANDREW DEFTY

The post-war ‘consensus’ on welfare was based largely in the perceived agreement of leading politicians of Conservative and Labour parties on the role of the mixed economy and the welfare state. However, from the late 1970s economic and demographic pressures and ideological challenges, particularly from the New Right, led to cuts in spending on welfare, increased private involvement and an emphasis on more individualistic and selectivist approaches to provision. Recently some scholars have begun to discuss the emergence of a ‘new liberal consensus’ around welfare provision. Drawing upon interviews with 10 per cent of the House of Commons, this article examines the extent to which a new political consensus upon welfare can be identified. In addition to analysing responses to questions on welfare issues, it considers the extent to which MPs themselves believe there to be some degree of consensus in approaches to welfare. It also considers whether any consensus exists merely in the political language used in relation to welfare issues, or whether there is a more substantive convergence.


1998 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
JIM TOMLINSON

The reforms of the welfare system under the 1945 Labour government are usually regarded as fundamental in creating the post-war welfare state. Yet, measured by their financial implications, and viewed in comparison with either pre-war Britain or other Western European countries in the same period, these reforms appear strikingly limited. Far from bringing a ‘New Jerusalem’, the 1940s reforms seem to have brought into being an austere, minimalist structure of welfare provision. The reasons for this are examined, especially the forces shaping the new social security system. It is argued that the combination of the Labour government's economic priorities, its acceptance of the Beveridge legacy and the Treasury pressure to limit the Exchequer's financial contribution to the new system, led to this austerity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Brogi

The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sri Suatmiati

<p>In Several states, social security for citizens is place to protect marginalized groups in order to maintain access to public services are rudimentary, such as services to meet the needs from the perspective of political economy known as basic need. Public welfare provision in the state system includes services in the areas of basic education, health and housing are cheap and good quality, if Necessary, free as in Western Europe is a cluster of countries are quite intense in terms of the welfare state principles. Free education and health is a major concern in Western Europe to get subsidies. The Data agency (BPS) said that the Indonesian population in 2010 income Rp.27,0 million a year. There are poor people Whose population is 80 percent of the population only contributes about 20 percent of GDP. There are the wealthy once or people who enter the category earn more than 30,000 dollars a year, but there are Also people with disabilities living income or $ 2 dollars per day (730 dollars a year), the which are still 100 million people. It means there is a huge gap. The words fair, equitable, wellbeing and prosperity was growing dimmer and the faint sound. This condition shows how there is no equity in income Because there is no strong will to realize the vision for the welfare of society. Impossible Anti-poverty program run properly if the governance of the state and society is not yet fully base on the welfare state system. Anti-poverty programs intertwine with the application of individual taxation that is progressive. If taxation without concept, poverty reduction strategy with the government has not gone According to the terms of the welfare state that is pro-poor.</p>


1983 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Sedgwick

It has seemed to me and many others that Britain is now entering a political phase in which the post-war consensus around matters of social welfare is being dissolved in favour of a new set of assumptions which emphasize the individual's recourse to law or to legally-embodied appeal procedures, even at the expense of more collective rights which were previously enshrined (imperfectly, it is true, but still definitely) in State-sponsored welfare provision. As I present it here, the implication is made of a fundamental antagonism, perhaps, and more certainly of a serious and unmistakable competition, between the claims of a legally-inspired and individualistic approach and the aspirations of medicine and psychiatry which are grounded in the availability of collective provisions: collective in a double sense, as being both the product of politically organized popular demand and also the expression of structured interventions by the State and other social agencies aligned with the State. It is this dualism between medicine and law, or at a more rarefied level between an individualism founded on contractual civil relations and a collectivism rooted in the institutions of mass democracy and public spending, which I feel needs most justification in argument, and which clearly lacks such justification in the remarks I shall offer here.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

By briefly summarizing the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, this introduction presents to the reader the general research question: does immigration necessarily lead to welfare cuts? It outlines the significance of relationships between immigrants and native citizens, showing how these relate to redistributive policies in the US and Western Europe—but with very different results. In the US, states with high minority populations tend to favor lower welfare benefits, whereas in cross-national comparisons no such depressing effect of immigration on welfare spending can easily be identified. The book applies the insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the NPD to explain this difference, analyzing the effect of immigration on welfare state retrenchment. Finally, the introduction presents the book’s overall line of reasoning and the structure of its chapters.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Kwiek

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Dublin, Ireland, 7–10 September 2005. It argues that we are facing the simultaneous renegotiation of the major post-war social contract (concerning the welfare state) in Europe and the renegotiation of a smaller-scale modern social pact: the pact between the university and the nation-state. It suggests that the current, and especially future, transformations of the university are not fully clear outside of the context of transformations to the state (and to the public sector) under global pressures. These pressures, both directly and indirectly, will not leave the university as an institution unaffected. Thus it is more useful today than ever before to discuss the future of the university in the context of the current transformations of the state. The study is divided into four sections: a brief introduction; a section on the university and the welfare state in Europe; a section on the university and the nation-state in Europe; and tentative conclusions.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document