Thinking Locally, Acting Globally

2020 ◽  
pp. 78-104
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Lekan

This chapter examines the frictions that emerged as the Grzimeks spoke on behalf of the world’s animals (and peoples) from their situatedness as celebrity scientists in West Germany. No Room for Wild Animals won over most critics and filmgoers because its doomsday portrayals of African endangerment projected European conservative anxieties about the perceived dark side of the “economic miracle” at home: the social dislocations of urbanization, the loss of traditional ways by mindless consumerism, and the pollution of land and water. The film energized discussions about how citizens of the Federal Republic might escape the diseases of civilization by creating their own national parks and outdoor zoos. The Grzimeks’ portrayals of reckless safaris in Africa, however, riled Germany’s conservation-minded hunters, who accused the pair of dramatizing wildlife endangerment to make a profit. Bernhard triumphed over his critics, but the public debates had raised uncomfortable memories of the German imperial origins of Africa’s game reserves and national parks that appeals to “global heritage” never resolved.

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-709
Author(s):  
Arne Gieseck ◽  
Ullrich Heilemann ◽  
Hans Dietrich von Loeffelholz

An analysis of the effects of the last wave of migration into West Germany on labor markets, public finances and economic growth, this study points at the often ignored fact that the migrants were rather successful in finding jobs and thus helped in eliminating labor shortages in certain industries. Simulations with a macroeconometric model for the FRG indicate that in 1992 the GDP was almost 6 percent higher than without migration, that 90,000 jobs were created and that migration created a surplus of DM14 billion in the public sector, compared to the baseline. This study also makes clear, however that these effects mainly depend on a quick absorption of migrants by FRG labor markets, and as to the social system, the relief may be only transitory.


Muzealnictwo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 163-172
Author(s):  
Michał Niezabitowski

As a result of the pandemic, in March 2020, world museology was cut off from the direct contact with their public. Owing to the introduced regulations, Polish museums were closed down on three occasions (14 March – 4 May 2020, 15 Oct 2020 – 31 Jan 2021, and 20 March – 4 May 2021). When searching for new forms of activity, in 2020, museums made an enormous technological progress, and mastered numerous new competences allowing them to move in cyberspace with ease. The pace at which they introduced various ‘online’ formats is worthy of appreciation. Presently, the time has come to ask whether the effectiveness in reaching the public via such means truly contributed to consolidating a strong bond with them. In order to get the answer to this, it is necessary to critically assess the museum efforts, which will not be possible without researching into the Polish public over that period. Wishing to voice my opinion in the critical discourse on the museums’ activity during the pandemic, I have decided to share my experience from a selected activity of the Museum of Krakow: I have presented the effects of the social Programme titled ‘Stay at Home and Tell Krakow’ (#zostanwdomuiopowiedzkrakow). The Museum created this programme convinced that a city dweller, exposed to the oppression of the pandemic will feel the urge to share his or her experience. Apparently, the appeal made by the Museum of Krakow was eagerly responded to. The Museum received ‘stories’ about the pandemic in different formats: prose, poems, diaries, visual arts, and even musical pieces and artifacts. The results of the ‘Stay at Home and Tell Krakow’ Programme are currently hard to sum up, however, what seems a valuable and worth analysing experience is the focus of residents’ attention on the Museum which they considered an institution trustworthy enough to entrust it their private, often intimate reflections on living through that challenging period.


Author(s):  
Josh Armstrong

In general, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) did not treat its gay and lesbian citizens very favorably. Although the legal situation was more liberal than in the Federal Republic (West Germany) and other Western European countries, most homosexual East Germans lived in a state of invisibility at best, or suffered direct homophobia at worst, often at the hands of the government. In the mid-1980s, the public and government stance toward homosexuality liberalized slightly, leading to small improvements in the lives of gay East Germans. However, gay East Germans never experienced many of the same freedoms or opportunities that their West German, other Western European, or American counterparts enjoyed. Gay East Germans occupied a difficult position within the socialist ideology of the GDR. In theory, each East German was equal, enjoying universal rights and opportunities, and living free from discrimination. At the same time, however, the smallest building block of the society was the heterosexual, reproductive, married couple: a model into which same-sex desiring people could not fit. This doctrine of supposed equality probably contributed to the fact that homosexuality was decriminalized earlier in the GDR than in the Federal Republic, but it was also used by the SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands: the ruling, dictatorial party) as an excuse not to engage further with the specific needs of gay citizens until the mid-1980s. The GDR saw some limited gay activism in the 1970s in the form of the Homosexuelle Interessengemeinschaft Berlin (HIB); however, the group’s activities never really extended outside of East Berlin and did not lead to significant political or social change. More impactful activism occurred in the 1980s under the aegis of the Protestant Church as the only organization in the GDR that operated largely outside of state control. The SED eventually yielded to some of the demands of gay activists—by sanctioning publications and meeting spaces, for example—but did so primarily to draw gay activists out of the protection of Church structures and in order to be able to monitor and control them more easily. There are few East German literary or artistic works that engage with homosexuality, although a number of relevant literary works were published in the 1980s. These contributed to a fledgling discourse around homosexuality, shifting the issue from a taboo topic to one more acceptable for discussion in the public sphere. However, when East German audiences viewed Heiner Carow’s Coming Out in 1989—the first and only East German feature film to depict homosexual relationships—many claimed that it was their first exposure to homosexuality. And, since the GDR ceased to exist as a state fairly abruptly in 1990, one will never know how the trajectory of gay rights activism may have continued.


Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Andrés Caballero-Calvo ◽  
José Luis Serrano-Montes

This study is the first analysis of the influence of the design of the logos of the National and Natural Parks of Spain on social attitudes toward these protected areas (PAs). The effect of certain elements in the logo of a PA on its attractiveness and on support for its conservation was explored through a questionnaire survey of groups of university students. The respondents were asked to choose between different park logos, using three main criteria: tourist interest, conservation priority, and willingness to pay for conservation. The results showed a higher preference for PAs whose logos include animals and a lower preference for those with heritage elements. No significant differences were found in terms of types of university programs. The results suggest that greater attention should be paid to the role of iconographic elements in considerations of the protection and management of landscapes. This study adds to our understanding of the social mechanisms that influence the interest of the public in Natural and National Parks. These results can be used to increase the involvement of the general population in conservation goals, contributing to the social, economic, and environmental sustainability of PAs.


1968 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Lehmbruch

ON I DECEMBER 1966 THE BUNDESTAG ELECTED THE CHRISTIAN democrat leader Kurt Georg Kiesinger as head of a government formed by Christian democrats (CDU) and social democrats (SPD), by a majority of 340 (out of 496) members. The liberals (FDP), with 49 members, were pushed aside into opposition. For the first time since 1930 the social democrats entered a German central government, not as the result of an electoral victory but at the conclusion of an inner Crisis within the hitherto existing majority. The CDU whose prestige was badly damaged by this crisis continued to provide the chancellor. This helps to explain why some 60 members of the coalescing parties voted against the candidate. Public opinion oscillated between feelings of relief because of the end of a period of insecurity, and feelings of discomfort in view of an experiment which seemed unorthodox and hazardous. The disputes around the grosse Koalition (great coalition) thus revealed the ambiguity of conceptions of parliamentary government as they had developed since the establishment of the Federal Republic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Roura

Abstract Issue As health research funding institutions increasingly require researchers to engage with patients and the public, stakeholder involvement claims have become popular. However, there are renewed concerns that its underpinning participatory requirements are merely applied as a tick-box exercise. Widespread advocacy for the approach without due problematisation is troubling, as it may ultimately reinforce the social inequities that it originally intended to address. Description of the Problem Success histories avail the enormous potential of participatory research but important caveats caution against romanticizing the approach. Despite its enormous potential, there are increasing concerns that participatory research can become a risky method of social inquiry, with potential negative consequences. The “dark side” of participation speaks of the professional and personal risks for the researchers and stakeholders involved, where diverging interests and underlying power inequities are not acknowledged and adequately managed. Results Robust monitoring and evaluation frameworks that explicitly account for power dynamics are urgently needed to assess the distribution of both the benefits and costs derived from participatory research. We outline a socio-ecological framework to comprehensively examine micro, meso and macro level factors influencing processes and outcomes in participatory research, so power dynamics can be adequately monitored and addressed. Lessons If the credibility and legitimacy of participatory research is to be sustained, strategies to monitor and tackle power dynamics are urgently needed. Key messages Power dynamics in participatory research can operate at micro, meso and macro levels. We present a socio-ecological framework to evaluate power dynamics in participatory research.


2015 ◽  
pp. 99-103
Author(s):  
Evgeny L. Kauganov

Analyses the attitudes towards the Nazi past that existed in West German society from 1945 through the 1950s. The author considers the social and political situation in the Federal Republic of Germany, the concept of “zero hour”, and collective guilt thesis that were tackled in the publications of sociopolitical character. The author concludes that in Germany in the post­war period, a specific “victim’s mentality” prevailed that rejected the idea of collective guilt and responsibility for the Nazi crimes.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoli Tian

Using online fiction in China, this chapter explores whether there is still space to express civil values in a “subjective” civil sphere when that civil sphere lacks institutionally protected legal and communicative spaces. Based on online observations, interviews with online fiction writers and readers, and content analysis of selected popular works of online fiction, I argue that online fiction has created survivalist and revenge-themed fantasy worlds that act as a shadow civil sphere. On the one hand, shadow refers to the dark side of the civil sphere wherein people use extremely anti-civil online fictions to reject the empty moral values promoted by the state. On the other hand, in the shadow people are still expressing moral ideals through cynicism. By creating a fantasy world that’s more nasty and brutish than reality, they are expressing their cynicism regarding the society, the social system and the pretense of the public world. However, their cynicism actually articulates their belief in those civil values.


Antiquity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (362) ◽  
pp. 507-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfredo González-Ruibal ◽  
Pablo Alonso González ◽  
Felipe Criado-Boado

From Brazil to the United Kingdom, 2016 was a critical year in global politics. Heritage, ethics and the way that archaeologists relate to the public were and will all be affected, and it is time to reflect critically on the phenomenon of ‘reactionary populism’ and how it affects the practice and theory of archaeology. ‘Reactionary populism’ can be defined as a political form that is anti-liberal in terms of identity politics (e.g. multiculturalism, abortion rights, minority rights, religious freedom), but liberal in economic policies. It is characterised by nationalism, racism and anti-intellectualism, and as Judith Butler states in a recent interview, it wants “to restore an earlier state of society, driven by nostalgia or a perceived loss of privilege” (Soloveitchik 2016). Our intention here is to argue that the liberal, multi-vocal model of the social sciences and the humanities is no longer a viable option. Instead, we ask our colleagues to embrace an archaeology that is ready to intervene in wider public debates not limited to issues of heritage or of local relevance, is not afraid of defending its expert knowledge in the public arena, and is committed to reflective, critical teaching.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 754-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nauroth ◽  
Mario Gollwitzer ◽  
Henrik Kozuchowski ◽  
Jens Bender ◽  
Tobias Rothmund

Public debates about socio-scientific issues (e.g. climate change or violent video games) are often accompanied by attacks on the reputation of the involved scientists. Drawing on the social identity approach, we report a minimal group experiment investigating the conditions under which scientists are perceived as non-prototypical, non-reputable, and incompetent. Results show that in-group affirming and threatening scientific findings (compared to a control condition) both alter laypersons’ evaluations of the study: in-group affirming findings lead to more positive and in-group threatening findings to more negative evaluations. However, only in-group threatening findings alter laypersons’ perceptions of the scientists who published the study: scientists were perceived as less prototypical, less reputable, and less competent when their research results imply a threat to participants’ social identity compared to a non-threat condition. Our findings add to the literature on science reception research and have implications for understanding the public engagement with science.


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