Claiming Ka Mate

Author(s):  
Lauren E. Sweetman ◽  
Kirsten Zemke

This chapter unpacks the sociocultural and legal issues surrounding the Māori haka (chant/dance) “Ka Mate” authored by Ngāti Toa chief Te Rauparaha in the 1820s. In Aotearoa New Zealand, this beloved haka has become a symbolic display of biculturalism and is integral to the national imaginary. Historical associations and usages in wartime and sport, particularly rugby, have exacerbated associations with aggression and masculinity with essential meanings becoming diluted and erased with each further layer of appropriation. Important dialogues emerge from Ka Mate’s complex location at the intersection of Indigenous cultural property, the public imagination, the nation-state, and global appropriation. Ka Mate’s contentious legal history, including its recent repatriation to Ngāti Toa as an “intangible” taonga (treasure), highlights the problematics that the circulation of music and dance have for Indigenous custodial guardians, underscoring that repatriation must include an acknowledgment of history, context, and mana (integrity/power).

2005 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Polly Parker

AbstractPacific peoples hold a unique place as an ethnic community within Aotearoa-New Zealand. The largest immigrant minority population in New Zealand brings a different culture to that of the dominant Pakeha (European). One implication is the need for acculturation into New Zealand society. Leadership, when characterised here as a process through which Pacific elders model the “Pacific way” to guide their youth, is critical to manage the tension between maintaining traditional ways and integrating into a dominant culture different from the people's own. This paper reports an empirical study conducted with Pacific professionals working in the public sector of New Zealand. Recognised for their potential to influence Pacific peoples, the participants were sponsored by the ministries of Health and Pacific Island Affairs to attend a three-day leadership development course that included a careers component. The scarcely researched links among leadership, careers and social cultural issues are explored. Intelligent career theory is introduced and the processes associated with eliciting subjective and inter-subjective career data are explained The results reflect the interdependence of motivation, skills and knowledge, and relationships, which together strongly influence the career and leadership behaviour of Pacific peoples to enhance the outcomes for Pacific peoples in New Zealand. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.


Author(s):  
Nesta Devine

This article considers the changes in policy discourse relating to education in prisons, in the New Zealand context, in the period between the 1950s and the early 21st century. The earlier belief in education as a means to rehabilitation has been replaced by a narrow focus on programmes specifically intended to change the criminal behaviour for which the prisoner has been sentenced. But even these programmes are hard to get into, and available only to selected prison inmates after they have served two thirds of their sentences. Informal education, including physical education and vocational education, have been severely retrenched, as have all forms of work and activity. In this paper I argue that this situation is a logical outcome of the neoliberal construction of education as a private rather than a social or public good, of the reconceptualisation of the public service as an agency of its principal, the party or parties in power. The depersonalising of the inmates of prisons as “prisoners” serves to justify this situation at the same time as it validates the “freedom” of those who conform to social and legal expectations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Guy Finny

<p>The second half the 19th century witnessed one of the most complex and destructive chapters in New Zealand legal history. The Native Land Court, Land Laws and Crown purchase and confiscation policies combined to create confusion, uncertainty and grievance in Maori land ownership and transactions. In response, thousands of Maori, and some Europeans, petitioned Parliament. Around two thousand of these Maori land related petitions were referred to the Native Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives, many of which involved complex disputes and legal issues in relation to Maori land. In several respects, the petitioners were treating this Committee as a de-facto ’Maori Land Appellate Court’. However, the Committee was no such court. Instead, this paper argues the Committee was effectively operating as a ‘Maori Land Ombudsman’. Using petitions, Maori and Europeans would put their grievances and law reform suggestions before the Committee. In turn, the Committee would usually investigate and make recommendations for action. Although the Committee was ultimately unable to resolve many of the alleged grievances put before it, in a system where Maori had little political power, it fulfilled an important constitutional role as a check on judicial and government power in relation to Maori land interests.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ian Anderson

<p>2011 saw the lowest voter turnout in Aotearoa/New Zealand since women won the right to vote (Vowles, 2014). This decline in participation aligns with trends elsewhere in the Anglosphere (Ailes, 2015; Hansard, 2015). This organic crisis poses new questions for notions of the ‘public sphere’ and ‘publics’ – the forms of political engagement with citizens in a mass-mediated society. Fraser (1990) contends that in theorising the “limits of actually existing late capitalist democracy” (p. 57), we need a notion of pluralised and contesting ‘publics’ (ibid). The project asks how political parties named the 'public' (or publics) in the 2011 and 2014 Aotearoa / New Zealand General Elections. In order to consider the dominance of these political articulations, research will also consider whether these invocations of 'the public' found coverage in the national press. This is not intended as a sociological examination of actually existing publics, but an examination of dominant encoding (Hall, 2001). This analysis tests the thesis that dominant cross-partisan electoral discourses defined the 'public' in terms of dual identification with productive work and capital, in opposition to named subaltern publics. This formulation suggests that workers are called to identify with capital, following from Gramsci’s (2011) theorisation of bourgeois hegemony. Research begins with a content analysis of party press releases and mainstream coverage during the 2011 & 2014 General Elections, when official discourses hailing 'the public' are intensified. Content analysis quantifies nouns used for publics – for example, 'taxpayer', 'New Zealander', or even 'the public'. From this content analysis, the project proceeds to a critical discourse analysis, which seeks to historically contextualise and explain the patterns in content. Reworking Ernesto Laclau's (2005a) theorisation of populism to factor in the left/right axis (which Laclau considered outmoded), this critical discourse analysis considers what 'public' alliances are articulated, and what political programmes these articulations serve.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 48-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Staniforth ◽  
Christa Fouché ◽  
Liz Beddoe

There have been limited studies that have looked at how the public perceive social workers and the profession of social work. This study reports results of a telephone survey in which 386 members of the public in Aotearoa New Zealand were asked about their beliefs and impressions about social work and social workers. Study findings demonstrate that members of the public surveyed appeared relatively well informed about what social workers do, and were generally positive in their views.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 19-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Kathryn Hobbs ◽  
Nikki Evans

INTRODUCTION: A century after Abraham Flexner’s (1915/2001) infamous speech conveyed his “dismissive attitude toward social work’s professionalism,” Gelman and González (2016) reflected that social work is again at a critical juncture. The fight for recognition of social work’s professional status has been influenced by multiple factors including negative public perceptions of the occupation. In Aotearoa New Zealand, professionalisation campaigns have been far from unifying, with diverse ideas about practice standards and accountability polarising opinions. At a time that the country is grappling with mandatory registration of social workers, this research considers the ways in which social workers perceive themselves, and the profession that they identify with.METHODS: Semi-structured interviews with 83 social workers in Aotearoa New Zealand were conducted. Participants were required to be eligible for social work registration. Interview transcripts were thematically analysed.FINDINGS: Several identity themes emerged during the analysis of the 83 interviews. The first theme relates to the ways in which statutory child protection social work has impacted on identity. The second, and perhaps predictable theme, is that many social workers in this study experienced significant professional marginalisation from their colleagues. The third theme emerged from participants’ views about the likelihood of mandatory registration of social workers impacting on their identity and the professional standing of social work.CONCLUSION:  Most participants in the current study believed that mandatory social worker registration may positively influence the public’s view of social workers, other professionals, and also social workers themselves. However, many participants seemed to experience levels of self-stigma – and potentially believe they are viewed more negatively by the public than they actually are. Social workers’ perceptions of their role and profession is an area that warrants further investigation.  


Author(s):  
Andrew Douglas

This paper investigates the role of territorial images in the experiencing of place. It argues that there is no territory without repetition patterns that inscribe a semiotic generating images, a ‘picturing’ that is, in fact, pivotal to the possessive and demarking dynamic implicit in territorial assemblages. Drawing a link between Hans Blumenberg’s (1985) thinking on “existential anxiety” and its reworking of horizons of unknowing in myth and the work of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari (1987) on repetition patterning and the refrains of territoriality, the paper looks to modes of imagined place-solidarity emerging with the nation-state. Drawing on Andrea Mubi Brighenti’s (2010) call for an expanded territorology—itself drawing on Deleuze and Guattari’s (1987 & 1994) notions of territoriality—the paper emphasises the extent to which territory, more typically recognised as a spatial phenomenon, in fact, arises out of temporal and psychical geneses consolidating differences in modes of repetition—in the case of the nation-state, as Benedict Anderson (1991) has proposed, spanning commonly imagined daily routines, memorialising, and refashioned futures. In particular, the paper draws on the role of utopian discourse in the transition to Europe nationalism, and in turn, to the transmittal of utopian aspirations and imaginings to colonial places.  Central to the paper is a reading of Samuel Butler’s Erewhon, Or, Over the Range (1872/2013), a utopian satire set in Aotearoa/New Zealand’s Southern Alps, a novel, in fact, influential to a range of writings by Deleuze and Deleuze and Guattari. Developing links between the novel’s philosophical uptake; its deployment of topography and modes of imagining specific to Aotearoa/New Zealand; and Butler’s deployment of a Neoplatonist empiricism more broadly, the paper plays out the significance of what is nominated as chiastic desire (following insights by Ralf Norrman, 1986)—a criss-cross patterning that draws surface configurations (landscape picturing, textual place descriptions, topographical delineation, perceptual routines) into deeper questions of grounding, imagination, and the drawing of place sensibility out of the imperceptible.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Heather Came ◽  
Emmanuel Badu ◽  
Julia Ioane ◽  
Leanne Manson ◽  
Tim McCreanor

New Zealand Governments have longstanding policy commitments to equal employment practices. Little attention has been paid to ethnic pay disparities in recent years. Informed by a series of official information act requests, we were interested to find out what extent, ethnic pay disparities existed within the core public sector and district health boards (DHBs).  We examined the population proportions of Māori, Pasifika and Other ethnicities earning over $NZ100,000 over five year intervals between 2001 to 2016, using linear regression analysis.   The analyses showed a statistically significant pattern of ethnic pay disparities across the public sector. There were fewer Māori and Pasifika staff employed in DHBs than their population proportion. The failure to promote Māori and Pasifika to the upper tiers of public sector is consistent with definitions of institutional racism. The authors call for more research to understand the dynamics of ethnic pay disparity and the drivers of this disparity.


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