Liberalism

Author(s):  
Philipp Müller

Weimar liberalism reflects the difficulties of political and economic liberalism to adapt to parliamentary democracy and the economic consequences of the First World War. These difficulties pushed liberalism into a crisis that led to new liberal formations on an organizational and intellectual level. The two main liberal parties experienced a steady decline, resulting in their political insignificance at the end of the Weimar Republic. This process was accompanied by liberal controversies over the benefit and mischief of democracy and capitalism, calling established liberal ideals into question. Liberals considered the restriction of parliamentary politics, of unbounded economic activities, liberal internationalism, and the coordination of capitalism as possible solutions to contemporary challenges. These controversies disillusioned many former adherents of liberalism, but also provoked a renewal of liberal concepts in various fields.

1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mueller

After the First World War the belief became substantially widespread among developed countries that the venerable institution of war should be abandoned from their affairs. It was an idea whose time had come. Historically, the war does not seem to have been all that unusual in its duration, destructiveness, grimness, political pointlessness, economic consequences or breadth. It does seem to have been unique in that (1) it was the first major war to be preceded by substantial, organized anti-war agitation, and (2) for Europeans, it followed an unprecedentedly peaceful century during which even war enthusiasts began, perhaps unknowingly, to appreciate the virtues of peace. Thus the war served as a necessary catalyst for opinion change. The process through which the change took place owes much to British war aims and to their efforts to get the United States into the war. The article concludes with some reflections on the historical movement of ideas.


Author(s):  
V.V. Sinichenko ◽  

The article sets out the goal of analyzing Russian legislation from the period of 1914 –1917. The relevance of the work is caused by the fact that in modern historiography there is no single view on the formation and composition of the legal framework of the so-called «liquidation legislation». This is due to the fact that researchers study typically three different groups of regulations: firstly, it is a struggle against foreign land tenure and land use in Russia; secondly, the struggle against foreign share capital, and thirdly, the struggle against the right to own and manage enterprises that then functioned in Russia and belonged to «enemy subjects» and «immigrants from hostile states» by the ownership right. The object of the study in the article was the measures of the emergency legislation of Russia in the framework of which a liquidation company was carried out against foreign enterprises during the First World War. The subject of the study is the activities of the Russian government, expressed in a number of Decrees of the Council of Ministers 1914–1917 which aimed at restricting the subjects` rights of the states warring with Russia. Along with general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction, etc.), the work uses the problem-chronological method, which made it possible not only to describe the dynamics of the adoption of the norms of «liquidation law», but also to identify the impact on its development of the political situation, the decision-making algorithm of the Russian government in the time period studied. The author concludes that from March 16, 1915 to February 7, 1917, the activities of the Russian government in relation to subjects of the countries hostile to Russia were unskilled and did not comply with the practice of international law. This had a negative impact on the economic activities of the Russian state, which was in difficult conditions of military confrontation with the «Central Powers» bloc during the First World War.


1978 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony W. Wright

In this century British socialism has rarely engaged in serious internal debate about the fundamental concepts of its political vocabulary. In this respect, as in others, British socialism has been true to the wider traditions of British political life. There has, of course, been much vigorous controversy on policy and programme, but also a remarkable absence of genuine doctrinal debate, certainly as compared with continental socialisms. A major exception to this, however, is to be found in the decade which has the First World War at its centre. Indeed, this may be regarded as the most creative period in British socialist thought in the twentieth century (notwithstanding the superficially more turbulent 1930's); and it is a period which ends, interestingly, in the early 1920's, when Labour becomes securely established in the world of parliamentary politics.


This volume offers a series of new essays on the British left – broadly interpreted – during the First World War. Dealing with grassroots case studies of unionism from Bristol to the North East of England, and of high politics in Westminster, these essays probe what changed, and what remained more or less static, in terms of labour relations. For those interested in class, gender, and parliamentary politics or the interplay of ideas between Britain and places such as America, Ireland and Russia, this work has much to offer. From Charlie Chaplin to Ellen Wilkinson, this work paints a broad canvass of British radicalism during the Great War.


2011 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 915-949 ◽  
Author(s):  
NIKOLAUS WOLF ◽  
MAX-STEPHAN SCHULZE ◽  
HANS-CHRISTIAN HEINEMEYER

The First World War radically altered the political landscape of Central Europe. The new borders after 1918 are typically viewed as detrimental to the region's economic integration and development. We argue that this view lacks historical perspective. It fails to take into account that the new borders followed a pattern of economic fragmentation that had emerged during the late nineteenth century. We estimate the effects of the new borders on trade and find that the “treatment effects” of these borders were quite limited. There is strong evidence that border changes occurred systematically along barriers which existed already before 1914.


2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (203) ◽  
pp. 7-28
Author(s):  
John Lampe

This paper pays brief attention, although more than the recent flood of 1914 centenary books, to economic causes of the First World War before turning to it fateful economic consequences for Southeastern Europe. The Austrian lack of economic leverage over Serbia is cited as a reason for its resort to the military option. At the war?s end, the option of the victorious powers to provide significant economic relief to the region where the conflict had begun was not taken. After tracking the brief, limited assistance provided, the paper reviews to the massive economic problems confronting four of the five of independent states, neglecting Albania as a special case, that could now be called Southeastern Europe. First Greece and then Bulgaria faced forced inflow of refugees. Romania and the Yugoslav Kingdom faced the economic integration of large new, formerly Austro-Hungarian lands. All of them were left not only with war deaths and destruction but also with large war debts, or in Bulgaria?s case, reparations. The paper concentrates on the primary Western response to these four economies, an effort led by the Bank of England to replace immediate postwar inflation with the deflation needed to reestablish currencies with prewar convertibility to gold, now with Pound Sterling added to a gold reserve standard. Independent central banks, the major positive legacy of this initiative, were to lead the way. But the financial stability that all four economies did eventually achieve in the 1920s served only to reduce their war debts. Otherwise, maintaining the fixed and overvalued exchange rates restricted domestic credit, encouraged protective tariffs, and did not attract the foreign capital, especially new state loans, that this emphasis on a single, European financial framework had promised. A concluding section considers the lessons learned from a postwar period that promoted economic disintegration by the 1930s. Looking at the period since the end of the Cold War and then the wars of Yugoslavia?s dissolution, we see EU leadership in the reduction of trade barriers, the promotion of common fiscal practice and the prospect of genuine European integration as Western lessons learned. Within the region, independent central banks have helped the process. But the stabilization of currencies around the overvalued Euro has posed a familiar post- 1918 problem since the European downturn of 2008.


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