Party Politics and National Policy, Post–World War II

Author(s):  
Daniel DiSalvo

This chapter explores the emergence of political and policy polarization in the post–World War II period. In the early Cold War years, a bipartisan foreign policy was evident in the Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy administrations. In domestic policy, Democrats and Republicans argued over the extent of the New Deal welfare and regulatory state, but there was little sentiment for returning to a laissez-faire weak state. Both parties were divided along regional lines, with Democrats composed of northeastern and southern regional factions, while Republicans divided generally along Northeast and Midwest factional lines. The 1960s, however, marked a turning point in general realignment, as Sunbelt states deserted the Democratic Party and turned largely Republican. Voter and party leadership became increasingly polarized beginning in the 1980s and would grow in intensity.

Author(s):  
Neilton Clarke

Gutai Art Association [Gutai Bijutsu Kyōkai] [具体美術協会] was an influential post-World War II Japanese avant-garde collective with an outward-looking mindset. Founded in 1954 in Ashiya, near Osaka, by Japanese artist Jirō Yoshihara (1905–1972), it had fifty-nine members over the course of its eighteen-year lifespan. Gutai—meaning ‘‘embodiment’’ and ‘‘concreteness’’—saw its artists engage a plethora of media and presentation contexts, often beyond gallery walls and frequently with more emphasis upon process than on finished product. A unifying factor among its multifarious tendencies was a spirit of adventure, exemplified by Yoshihara’s oft-cited call to ‘‘do what no one has done before.’’ Embracing performance, theatricality, and outdoor manifestations, with a characteristic impromptu modus operandi, Gutai’s experimental tendencies and liberal ideals breathed new life into art and into a society remaking itself following the cataclysm and repressions of World War II. As Japan entered the 1960s, consolidating its economy and engagement with the rest of the world, the decidedly offbeat stance of Gutai’s earlier years assumed a cooler demeanor, due in part to nation-wide technological advancement, growing internationalism, and an evolving audience base and receptivity. The Gutai group disbanded following Yoshihara’s passing in 1972.


1999 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Wright

This address urges Americanists to take the post–World War II era on board as economic history, using the Civil Rights Revolution to set an example. The speed and sweepof the movement's success illustrates the dynamics of an “unanticipated revolution” as analyzed by Timur Kuran, to be grouped with famous historical surprises such as the triumph of British antislavery and the fall of Soviet communism. The evidence confirms that the breakthroughs of the 1960s constituted an economic as well as a political revolution, in many respects an economic revolution for the entire southern region, as well as for African-Americans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Fones-Wolf ◽  
Ken Fones-Wolf

AbstractFrom 1946 to 1950, East Tennessee was embroiled in a bitter campaign over the radio preacher and evangelist, J. Harold Smith. More than a curiosity, this confrontation helps us understand a much broader struggle that cut deeply through American society in the post-World War II era. It was a conflict that grew out of a conservative political effort to roll back the New Deal, the union-led regime of collective bargaining, and the tide of modernist religion. These issues overlapped with concerns about African-American equality and the Soviet Union’s threat to the nation’s security. Although recent scholarship has revealed the symbiotic relationship between postwar evangelicalism and free-enterprise ideology, we know little about how and why that message resonated for many middling and working-class individuals. Fortunately, supporters of Smith’s radio program wrote thousands of letters that illuminate what normally anonymous people were thinking about God, society, and politics in the postwar years.In this paper, we use the events in Knoxville as a window into the broader contest over religion and politics in postwar America. Smith’s struggle in Knoxville occurred during an especially tumultuous time in the South. As such, it reveals one regional context for the unsettling political changes and religious conflicts that were occurring nationally. Finally, a study of the responses of Smith’s supporters affords a rare opportunity to analyze one base of postwar fundamentalism and what drew them to the politics and theology of men like J. Harold Smith.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fran Markowitz

During the latter part of the twentieth century, there was a country called Yugoslavia. Built on the ruins of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the post-World War II Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia was an ethnically diverse state comprised of six republics, which, by the 1960s, was committed to a foreign policy of non-alignment and to the domestic programs of worker self–management and “brotherhood and unity” among its peoples (see, e.g., Banac 1984; P. Ramet 1985; Shoup 1968; Zimmerman 1987). Like most other European states, the decennial census became a defining feature of Yugoslavia's sovereignty and modernity (Kertzer and Arel 2002: 7).


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 207-227
Author(s):  
Lauren Pearlman

Few studies of post–World War II, Washington, DC, focus on the development decisions local black officials made following the passage of limited home rule measures during the 1960s–1970s. This article uses the 1976 Bicentennial as a lens to study the divisions that urban development sowed locally while the city’s government was in transition. It focuses on one of the most deeply divisive projects contested during the Bicentennial, the construction of a convention center in Downtown DC, and argues that a new coalition of stakeholders used the Bicentennial to implement a prodevelopment agenda at the expense of the city’s black residents.


2009 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Tandy Shermer

Right-to-work elections are one of the most understudied aspects in the formation of Sunbelt conservatism and the rise of the Right. After World War II, every Southwestern state put some kind of right-to-work referendum on the ballot. Support came from the most dynamic economic sectors whose anti-union activists stood in rebellion against the New Deal regulatory state. They promised prosperity based on laissez-faire growth to transform the region into a manufacturing power. Although not every proposition or bill passed, this ideological argument won over many voters, including members of the middle and working classes worried over labor's rapid growth and new-found power. The discourses in these early campaigns came to dominate national conversations about labor's power and legitimacy, suggesting that a pro-development anti-unionism was a pillar of western Sunbelt conservatism and the modern Right.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 617-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov

Abstract This article compares competitive authoritarian, one-party authoritarian, and democratic party systems on three parameters: likelihood to emerge, sustainability and durability. By applying a variety of statistical techniques to a comprehensive dataset on post-World War II elections, this study shows that under competitive authoritarianism, elections are less likely to be party-structured than in democracies, and that competitive authoritarian party systems are markedly less sustainable and durable than systems in the other categories, especially in democracies. These findings are in accordance with the theory according to which competitive authoritarian institutions are epiphenomena, reflecting the distribution of power in the polity but not shaping it. Their emergence and survival are consequences rather than causes of the stability and success of contemporary autocracies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Sarah Farmer

In post World War II France, the postwar drive to modernize and explosive economic growth caused the collapse of the peasantry as a social class. Peasants left the countryside en masse, villages emptied out, and fields that had been cultivated for centuries were left fallow. And yet, this book argues, rural France did not vanish in the sweeping transformations of the 1950s and 1960s. Paradoxically, postwar modernization made the French yearn for imaginative and tangible connections to the life that peasants had once lived. This, in turn, became an engine of change in its own right. Rural Inventions explores this paradox. Nostalgia for the rural is a thread that runs through the chapters of this study. Yet Rural Inventions also shows that in the postagrarian society initiated by the postwar economic boom, the rural could become a harbinger of future possibilities. Participants in France’s peasant moment of the 1960s to early 1980s reinscribed dwelling in the countryside as an essential component of contemporary modern life.


Author(s):  
Helmut Norpoth

The generation of Americans who served in the armed forces during World War II helped give the Democratic Party its commanding lead in voter identifications for years to come. This insight comes from an analysis of polls conducted between 1937 and 1953, all but a few by the Gallup Organization. The effects of the Depression and the New Deal notwithstanding, World War II swung an even heavier proportion of young Americans to the Democratic Party and gave it a firm hold on that generation. This was true especially for those in uniform during that war. Their commander in chief, a Democrat, was immensely popular with the troops. In the election of 1944, FDR won their votes, wherever they could cast them, in a landslide. The return to civilian life did nothing to dull the wartime edge of the Democratic Party among World War II veterans. This is an unsung legacy of FDR’s popular appeal that endured long after his death.


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