The Political Party Affiliation of College Professors

Social Forces ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. S. Eitzen ◽  
G. M. Maranell
Social Forces ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 145 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Stanley Eitzen ◽  
Gary M. Maranell

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-211
Author(s):  
Todd A. Eisenstadt ◽  
Karleen Jones West

Chapter 6 focuses on polycentric pluralism, mostly at the international and national levels, sidelining vulnerability as a principal cause of environmental attitudes. After briefly introducing rationales behind the interaction between international and domestic policy positions, we show that while there is consensus among Ecuadorians that foreign extractive interests are threats to the Amazon, Ecuadorians are divided along party lines regarding the government’s pursuit of extraction, illustrating the political—rather than cultural—nature of the extractive debate in Ecuador. The upshot is that the Correa administration tried but failed to maintain both its international and domestic images as an environmental force, funding discretionary programs (including “green” ones) through oil drilling. Furthermore, consistent with our argument that polycentric pluralism has been the form that interest articulation takes, variations in approval of policies are more readily explained by cleavages defined by vulnerability and political party affiliation rather than by ethnic identity.


1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 650-665
Author(s):  
H. A. Turner ◽  
C. G. McClintock ◽  
C. B. Spaulding

2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1050-1056 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Laverghetta ◽  
Juliana Stewart ◽  
Lawrence Weinstein

To estimate correlations for scores on a student anti-intellectualism scale with scores on a measure of political conservatism, 235 students were given a survey containing a student anti-intellectualism scale, a political conservatism scale, and a demographics questionnaire identifying the participants' sex, college classification, ethnicity, political party affiliation, and self-described political ideology. The political conservatism scale contained two factors, Religiosity and Economic Conservatism, both of which were scored separately in addition to an overall Conservatism score. Students' Anti-intellectualism scores were correlated with Political Conservatism scores ( r = .37, p<.01), with Religiosity scores ( r = .42, p<.01), and with Economic Conservatism scores ( r = .17, p<.05). An analysis of variance indicated a significant difference in students' Anti-intellectualism scores based on college classification ( F4,233 = 2.27, p<.04). Specifically, freshman had significantly higher scores than graduate students.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Angeline Lavin ◽  
David Moen ◽  
Thomas Davies

Individuals who are affiliated with different political parties and who subscribe to different ideological philosophies also tend to have different views on many issues. This paper explores taxpayer perceptions of the federal individual income tax, which can be traced back to 1913 in its present form, based upon their political party affiliation as well as their ideological philosophy. The analysis revealed that the responses to the federal individual income tax statements included in this survey were not independent of political party or ideological philosophy. These results suggest that the political and ideological makeup of Congress and the President are likely to have an impact on future decisions with respect to possible modifications to the federal individual income tax. The question remains whether these differences may be set aside in a consolidated effort to find long range solutions to our countrys fiscal challenges.


2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1032-1045
Author(s):  
Scott Beyer ◽  
Luis Garcia-Feijoo ◽  
Gerry Jensen ◽  
Robert R. Johnson

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze security-market returns relative to the political party of the president, the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy, the year of the president’s term, and the state of political gridlock. Contrary to prior studies, which evaluated the influences separately, the authors jointly evaluate these variables. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis supports the notion that security returns are significantly related to shifts in Fed monetary policy, political gridlock, and the year of the presidential term; however, returns are generally invariant to the president’s political party affiliation. Overall, the findings suggest that investors should focus less attention on the party of the president and instead more closely monitor Fed actions. Findings – It appears that political harmony should be welcomed by equity investors, but not debt investors. Finally, regardless of the political outcome, if the past serves as a guide, investors may have to wait until year three of the next presidential term to enjoy the fruits of the current political season. Originality/value – The academic literature is rich with studies that consider the aforementioned political effects and the influence that monetary policy have on the markets. To date, however, these factors have not been jointly considered when examining returns. This paper considers several dimensions of the political landscape – the party of the president, the presence or absence of political gridlock, and the presidential term cycle effect – in conjunction with Fed monetary policy in examining long-term security returns. By examining the relationship between security returns and both political and monetary conditions, the authors provide robust evidence regarding the relationships.


1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry A. Turner ◽  
Charles G. McClintock ◽  
Charles B. Spaulding

2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (03) ◽  
pp. 723-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie E. Artis ◽  
Andrew V. Krebs

Rapid changes in family life over the last forty years have led to substantial alterations in family law policy; specifically, most states now endorse joint custody arrangements for divorcing families. However, we know little about how lower court judges have embraced or resisted this change. We conducted in‐depth interviews with judges in twenty‐five Indiana jurisdictions in 1998 and 2011. Our findings suggest that judges' views of joint custody dramatically changed. Judges in Wave II indicated a strong preference for joint custody—a theme that was relatively absent in Wave I. The observed change in judicial preferences did not seem to be related to judicial replacement, gender, age, or political party affiliation. Although our conclusions are exploratory, we speculate that shifts in judicial views may be related to changing public mores of parenthood and, relatedly, Indiana's adoption of Parenting Time Guidelines in 2001.


2001 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Czech ◽  
Rena Borkhataria

Species conservation via the Endangered Species Act is highly politicized, yet few data have been gathered to illustrate the relationship of political party affiliation to species conservation perspectives. We conducted a nationwide public opinion survey and found that Democrats value species conservation more highly than do Republicans, and that Democrats are also more strongly supportive of the Endangered Species Act. Republicans place higher value on property rights than do Democrats, but members of both parties value economic growth as highly as wildlife conservation. The results imply that the Democratic propensity to value species conservation reflects a biocentric perspective that does not bode well for practical conservation efforts. Species conservation will depend upon the success of academicians and progressive political leaders in educating students and members of all parties about the fundamental conflict between economic growth and wildlife conservation.


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